should always be done in view of justice, and in | and comfort. With this definition it requires the that manner alone is properly exercised that great prerogative. exercise of no great acumen to ascertain who are traitors. It requires no great perception to tell us who have levied war against the United States, nor does it require any great stretch of reasoning to ascertain who has given aid to the enemies of the United States. And when the Government of the United States does ascertain who are the conscious and intelligent traitors, the penalty and the forfeit should be paid. The time has come, as you who have had to drink this bitter cup are fully aware, when the American people should be made to understand the true nature of crime. Of crime, generally, our people have a high understanding, as well as of the necessity for its punishment; but in the catalogue of crimes there is one-and that the highest known to the law and the Constitution- I know how to appreciate the condition of of which, since the days of Jefferson and Aaron being driven from one's home. I can sympaBurr, they have become oblivious; that is TREA-thize with him whose all has been taken from SON. Indeed, one who has become distinguished in treason and in this rebellion said, that "when traitors become numerous enough, treason becomes respectable," and to become a traitor was to constitute a portion of the aristocracy of the country. him; with him who has been denied the place that gave his children birth; but let us, withal, in the restoration of true government, proceed temperately and dispassionately, and hope and pray that the time will come, as I believe, when we all can return and remain at our homes, and God protect the people against such an aris-treason and traitors be driven from our land; tocracy. Yes, the time has come when the people should be taught to understand the length and breath, the depth and height of treason. An individual occupying the highest position among us was lifted to that position by the free offering of the American people the highest position on the habitable globe. This man we have seen, revered, and loved; one who, if he erred at all, erred ever on the side of clemency and mercy; that man we have seen treason strike through a fitting instrument; and we have beheld him fall like a bright star falling from its sphere. [applause;] when again law and order shall reign, and the banner of our country be unfurled over every inch of territory within the area of the United States. Interview with George L. Stearns. WASHINGTON, D. C., Oct. 3, 1865, 113, A. M. I have just returned from an interview with President Johnson, in which he talked for an hour on the process of reconstruction of rebel States. His manner was as cordial, and his conversation as free as in 1863, when I met him daily in Nashville. In conclusion, let me thank you most profoundly for this encouragement and manifestation of your regard and respect, and assure you that I can give no greater assurance regarding the settlement of this question than that I intend to discharge my duty, and in that way which shall in the earliest possible hour bring back peace to our distracted country, and hope the time is not far distant when our people can all Now, there is none but would say, if the ques-return to their homes and firesides, and resume tion came up, what should be done with the in- their various avocations. dividual who assassinated the chief magistrate of a nation-he is but a man, one man after all; but if asked what should be done with the assassin, what should be the penalty, the forfeit exacted, I know what response dwells in every bosom. It is, that he should pay the forfeit with his life. And hence we see that these are times when mercy and clemency without justice become a crime. The one should temper the other and bring about the proper mean. And if we would say this when the case was the simple murder of one man by his fellow man, what should we say when asked what shall be done with him, or them, or those who have raised impious hands to take away the life of a nation composed of thirty millions of people? What would be the reply to that question? But while in mercy we remember justice, in the language that has been uttered, I say justice toward the leaders, the conscious leaders; but I also say amnesty, conciliation, clemency, and mercy to the thousands of our countrymen who you and I know have been deceived or driven into this infernal rebellion. And so I return to where I started from, and again repeat, that it is time our people were taught to know that treason is a crime-not a mere political difference, not a mere contest between two parties, in which one succeeded, and the other has simply failed. They must know it is treason, for if they had succeeded, the life of the nation would have been reft from it, the Union would have been destroyed. Surely the Constitution sufficiently defines treason. It consists in levying war against the United States, and in giving their enemies aid His countenance is healthier, even more so than when I first knew him. I remarked that the people of the North were anxious that the process of reconstruction should be thorough, and they wished to support him in the arduous work, but their ideas were confused by the conflicting reports constantly circulated, and especially by the present position of the Democratic party. It is industriously circulated in the Democratic clubs that he was going over to them. He laughingly replied, Major, have you never known a man who for many years had differed from your views because you were in advance of him, claim them as his own when he came up to your standpoint?" I replied, "I have, often." He said, "So have I," and went on: "The Democratic party finds its old position untenable, and is coming to ours; if it has come up to our position, I am glad of it. You and I need no preparation for this conversation; we can talk freely on this subject, for the thoughts are familiar to us; we can be perfectly frank with each other." He then commenced with saying that the States are in the Union, which is whole and indivisible. Individuals tried to carry them out, but did | not succeed, as a man may try to cut his throat and be prevented by the bystanders; and you cannot say he cut his throat because he tried to do it. Individuals may commit treason and be punished, and a large number of individuals may constitute a rebellion, and be punished as traitors. Some States tried to get out of the Union, and we opposed it honestly, because we believed it to be wrong; and we have succeeded in putting down the rebellion. The power of those persons who made the attempt has been crushed, and now we want to reconstruct the State governments, and have the power to do it. The State institutions are prostrated, laid out on the ground, and they must be taken up and adapted to the progress of events; this cannot be done in a moment. We are making very rapid progress-so rapid I sometimes cannot realize it. It appears like a dream. We must not be in too much of a hurry; it is better to let them reconstruct themselves than to force them to it; for if they go wrong the power is in our hands, and we can check them in any stage, to the end, and oblige them to correct their errors; we must be patient with them. I did not expect to keep out all who were excluded from the amnesty, or even a large number of them; but I intended they should sue for pardon, and so realize the enormity of the crime they had committed. You could not have broached the subject of equal suffrage at the North seven years ago, and we must remember that the changes of the South have been more rapid, and they have been obliged to accept more unpalatable truth than the North has; we must give them time to digest a part, for we cannot expect such large affairs will be comprehended and digested at once. We must give them time to understand their new position. I have nothing to conceal in these matters, and have no desire or willingness to take indirect courses to obtain what we want. Our Government is a grand and lofty structure; in searching for its foundation we find it rests on the broad basis of popular rights. The elective franchise is not a natural right, but a political right. I am opposed to giving the States too much power, and also to a great consolidation of power in the central government. If I interfered with the vote in the rebel States, to dictate that no negro shall vote, I might do the same for my own purposes in Pennsylvania. Our only safety lies in allowing each State to control the right of voting by its own laws, and we have the power to control the rebel States if they go wrong. If they rebel we have the army, and can control them by it, and, if necessary, by legislation also. If the General Government controls the right to vote in the States, it may establish such rules as will restrict the vote to a small number of persons, and thus create a central despotism. My position here is different from what it would be if I was in Tennessee. There I should try to introduce negro suffrage gradually; first those who had served in the army; those who could read and write; and per haps a property qualification for others, say $200 It would not do to let the negro have univer- The negro will vote with the late master, whom he does not hate, rather than with the nonslaveholding white, whom he does hate. Universal suffrage would create another war, not against us, but a war of races. Another thing: This Government is the freest and best on earth, and I feel sure is destined to last; but to secure this we must elevate and purify the ballot. I for many years contended at the South that slavery was a political weakness; but others said it was political strength; they thought we gained three-fifths representation by it; I contended that we lost two-fifths. If we had no slaves we should have had twelve Representatives more, according to the then ratio of representation. Congress apportions representation by States, not districts, and the State apportions by districts. Many years ago I moved in the Legislature that the apportionment of Representatives to Congress in Tennessee should be by qualified voters. The apportionment is now fixed until 1872; BOSTON, October 18, 1865. I have made some verbal alterations. A. J. Address to the Colored Soldiers. October 10, 1865-The first colored regiment of District of Columbia troops, recently returned from the South, marched to the Executive Mansion, and were addressed by the President, as follows: MY FRIENDS: My object in presenting myself before you on this occasion is simply to thank you, members of one of the colored regiments which have been in the service of the country to sustain and carry its banner and its laws triumphantly in every part of this broad land. I appear before you on the present occasion merely to tender you my thanks for the compliment you have paid me on your return home, to again be associated with your friends 1 and your relations, and those you hold most sacred and dear. I have but little to say. It being unusual in this Government and in most of the other governments to have colored troops engaged in their cause, you have gone forth as events have shown, and served with patience and endurance in the cause of your country. This is your country as well as anybody else's country. This is the country in which you expect to live, and in which you should expect to do something by your example in civil life, as you have done in the field. This country is founded upon the principle of equality; and at the same time the standard by which persons are to be estimated is according to their merit and their worth. And you observe, no doubt, that for him who does his duty faithfully and honestly, there is always a just public judgment that will appreciate and measure out to him his proper reward. I know that there is much well calculated in this Government, and since the late rebellion commenced, to excite the white against the black, and the black against the white man. These are things that you should all understand, and at the same time prepare yourselves for what is before you. Upon the return of peace and the surrender of the enemies of the country, it should be the duty of every patriot and every one who calls himself a Christian to remember that with a termination of the war his resentments should cease- -that angry feelings should subside, and that every man should become calm and tranquil, and be prepared for what is before him. mighty rebellion, after the most gigantic battles the world ever saw. The problem is before you, and it is best that you should understand it, and I therefore speak simply and plainly. Will you now, when you have retired from the army of the United States and taken the position of the citizen-when you have returned to the avocations of peace-will you give evidence to the world that you are capable and competent to govern yourselves? This is what you will have to do. Liberty is not a mere idea, a mere vagary; when you come to examine this question of liberty you should not be mistaken in a mere idea for the reality. It does not consist in idleness. Liberty does not consist in being worthless. Liberty does not consist in doing in all things as we please; and there can be no liberty without law. In a government of freedom and liberty there must be law, and there must be obedience and submission to the law, without regard to color. Liberty-and may I not call you my countrymen ?-liberty consists in the glorious privileges of freedom-consists in the glorious privileges of worth of pursuing the ordinary avocations of peace with energy, with industry, and with economy; and that being done, all those who have been industrious and economical are permitted to appropriate and enjoy the products of their own labor. This is one of the great blessings of freedom; and hence we might ask the question and answer it by stating that liberty means freedom to work and enjoy the products of your own labor. You will soon be mustered out of the ranks. This is another part of your mission. You It is for you to establish the great fact that you have been engaged in the effort to sustain your are fit and qualified to be free. Hence, freedom country in the past, but the future is more im- is not a mere idea, but it is something that exportant to you than the period in which you ists in fact. Freedom is not simply the principle have just been engaged. One great question to live in idleness. Liberty does not mean simply has been settled in this Government, and that is to resort to the low saloons and other places of the question of slavery. The institution of disreputable character. Freedom and liberty do slavery made war upon the United States, and not mean that the people ought to live in licenthe United States has lifted its strong arms in tiousness, but liberty means simply to be indusvindication of the Government and of free gov-trious and to be virtuous, to be upright in all ernment, and in lifting the arm and appealing to the God of battles, it was decided that the institution of slavery must go down. This has been done, and the Goddess of Liberty, in bear ing witness over many of our battle-fields since the struggle commenced, has made her loftiest flight and proclaimed that true liberty has been established upon a more permanent and enduring basis than heretofore. But this is not all; and as you have paid me the compliment to call upon me, I shall take the privilege of saying one or two words as I am before you. Now, when the sword is returned to its scabbard, when your arms are reversed, and when the olive-branch of peace is extended, resentment and revenge should subside. Then what is to follow? You do understand, no doubt and if you do not you cannot understand too soon-that simple liberty does not mean the privilege of going into the battle-field, or into the service of the country as a soldier. It means other things as well; and now when you have laid down your arms there are other objects of equal importance before you-now that the Government has triumphantly passed through this our dealings and relations with men; and to those now before me, members of the last regi ment of colored volunteers from the District of Columbia, and the capital of the United States, I have to say, that a great deal depends upon yourselves; you must give evidence that you are competent for the rights that the government has guaranteed to you. Hence, each and all of you must be measured according to his merit. If one man is more meritorious than the other, they cannot be equals, and he is the most exalted that is the most meritorious, without regard to color; and the idea of having a law passed in the morning that will make a white man black before night and a black man a white man before day is absurd. That is not the standard; it is your own conduct; it is your own merit; it is the development of your own talents and of lectual and moral qualities. your intel Let this, then, be your course; adopt systems of morality; abstain from all licentiousness; and let me say one thing here, for I am going to talk plainly. I have lived in a Southern State all my life, and know what has too often been the case. There is one thing you should esteem higher and more supreme than almost all others. and that is the solemn contract with all the penalties in the association of married life, Men and women should abstain from those qualities and habits that too frequently follow a war. Inculcate among your children and among your associates, notwithstanding you are just back from the army of the United States, that virtue, that merit, that intelligence are the standards to be observed, and those which you are determined to maintain during your future lives. He that is meritorious and virtuous, intellectual and well informed, must stand highest, without regard to color. It is the very basis upon which heaven itself rests each individual takes his degree in the sublimer and more exalted regions in proportion to his merits and his virtue. Then I shall say to you on this occasion, in returning to your homes and firesides, after feeling conscious and proud of having faithfully done your duty, return with the determination that you will perform your duty in the future as you have performed it in the past. Abstain from all those bickerings and jealousies and revengeful feelings which too often spring up between different races. There is a great problem before us, and I may as well allude to it here in this connection, and that is, whether this race can be incorporated and mixed with the people of the United States -to be made a harmonious and permanent ingredient in the population. This is a problem not yet settled, but we are in the right line to do so. Slavery raised its head against the Government, and the Government raised its strong arm and struck it to the ground; hence, that part of the problem is settled. The institution of slavery is overthrown. But another part remains to be solved, and that is, can four millions of people, reared as they have been, with all their prejudices of the whites-can they take their places in the community, and be made to work harmoniously and congruously in our system? This is a problem to be considered. Are the digestive powers of the American Government sufficient o receive this element in a new shape, and digest it and make it work healthfully upon the system that has incorporated it? This is the question to be determined. Let us make the experiment, and make it in good faith. If that cannot be done, there is another problem that is before us. If we have to become a separate and distinct people (although I trust that the system can be made to work harmoniously, and that the great problem will be settled without going any further)-if it should be so that the two races cannot agree and live in peace and prosperity, and the laws of Providence require that they should be separated-in that event, looking to the far distant future, and trusting in God that it may never come-if it should come, Providence, that works mysteriously, but unerringly and certainly, will point out the way, and the mode, and the manner by which these people are to be separated, and they are to be taken to their land of inheritance and promise, for such a one is before them. Hence we are making the experiment. Hence, let me again impress upon you the importance of controlling your passions, 'developing your intellect, and of applying your physical powers to the industrial interests of the country: and that is the true process by which this question can be settled. Be patient, persevering, and forbearing, and you will help to solve this problem. Make for yourselves a reputation in this cause, as you have won for yourselves a reputation in the cause in which you have been engaged. In speaking to the members of this regiment, I want them to understand that, so far as I am concerned, I do not assume or pretend that I am stronger than the laws or course of nature, or that I am wiser than Providence itself. It is our duty to try and discover what these great laws are which are the foundation of all things, and, having discovered what they are, conform our action and conduct to them and to the will of God, who ruleth all things. He holds the destinies of nations in the palm of his hand, and He will solve the questions and rescue these people from the difficulties that have so long surrounded them. Then let us be patient, industrious, and persevering. Let us develop our intellectual and moral worth. I trust what I have said may be understood Interview with Senator Dixon, of Connecticut. The President said he doubted the propriety 1 52 "Direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union according to the value of all taxable property in each State." An amendment of this kind would, in his opinion, place the basis of representation and direct taxation upon correct principles. The qualified voters were, for the most part, men who were subject to draft and enlistment when it was necessary to repel invasion, suppress rebellion, and quell domestic violence and insurrection. They risk their lives, shed their blood and peril their all to uphold the Government, and give protection, security, and value to property. It seemed but just that property should compensate for the benefits thus conferred, by defraying the expenses incident to its protection and enjoyment. Such an amendment, the President also suggested, would remove from Congress all issues in reference to the political equality of the races. It would leave the States to determine absolutely the qualifications of their own voters with regard to color; and thus the number of Representatives to which they would be entitled in Congress would depend upon the number upon whom they conferred the right of suffrage. you in the name of the colored people of the United States. We are delegated to come by some who have unjustly worn iron manacles on their bodies-by some whose minds have been manacled by class legislation in States called free. The colored people of the States of Illi nois, Wisconsin, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, New England States, and District of Columbia have specially delegated us to come. Our coming is a marked circumstance, noting determined hope that we are not satisfied with an amendment prohibiting slavery, but that we wish it enforced with appropriate legislation. This is our desire. We ask for it intelligently, with the knowledge and conviction that the fathers of the Revolution intended freedom for every American; that they should be protected in their rights as citizens, and be equal before the law. We are Americans, native born Americans. We are citizens; we are glad to have it known to the world that you bear no doubtful record on this point. On this fact, and with confidence in the triumph of justice, we base our hope. We see no recognition of color or race The President, in this connection, expressed privileged class, and therefore we cherish the in the organic law of the land. It knows no the opinion that the agitation of the negro hope that we may be fully enfranchised, not franchise question in the District of Columbia only here in this District, but throughout the at this time was the mere entering-wedge to the land. We respectfully submit that rendering agitation of the question throughout the States, anything less than this will be rendering to us and was ill-timed, uncalled-for, and calculated less than our just due; that granting anything to do great harm. He believed that it would less than our full rights will be a disregard of engender enmity, contention, and strife between our just rights and of due respect for our feelings. the two races, and lead to a war between them, If the powers that be do so it will be used as a which would result in great injury to both, and license, as it were, or an apology, for any comthe certain extermination of the negro popula-munity, or for individuals thus disposed, to tion. Precedence, he thought, should be given outrage our rights and feelings. It has been to more important and urgent matters, legisla-shown in the present war that the Government tion upon which was essential to the restoration of the Union, the peace of the country, and the prosperity of the people. Interview with a Colored Delegation respecting February 7, 1866-The delegation of colored ADDRESS OF GEORGE T. DOWNING. Mr. GEORGE T. DOWNING then addressed the President as follows: We present ourselves to your Excellency, to make known with pleasure the respect which we are glad to cherish for you-a respect which is your due, as our Chief Magistrate. It is our desire for you to know that we come feeling that we are friends meeting a friend. We should, however, have manifested our friendship by not coming to further tax your already much burdened and valuable time; but we have another object in calling. We are in a passage to equality before the law. God hath made it by opening a Red Sea. We would have your assistance through the same. We come to may justly reach its strong arm into States, and demand from them, from those who owe it allegiance, their assistance and support. May it not reach out a like arm to secure and protect its subjects upon who it has a claim? ADDRESS OF FRED. DOUGLASS. Following upon Mr. Downing, Mr. Fred. Douglass advanced and addressed the President, saying: Mr. President, we are not here to enlighten you, sir, as to your duties as the Chief Magistrate of this Republic, but to show our respect, and to present in brief the claims of our race to Divine Providence you are placed in a position your favorable consideration. In the order of where you to bless or blast us-I mean our whole race. have the power to save or destroy us, Your noble and humane predecessor placed in our hands the sword to assist in saving the nation, and we do hope that you, his able successor, will favorably regard the placing in our hands the ballot with which to save ourselves. We shall submit no argument on that point, The fact that we are the subjects of Government, and subject to taxation, subject to volunteer in the service of the country, subject to being drafted, subject to bear the burdens of the State, makes it not improper that we should ask to share in the privileges of this condition. |