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addressed to the consuls of the neutral powers, namely, one letter in common to all the consuls in each of the places to be blockaded. This was on the 18th, and on the 20th the British captain arrived at Swinemünde, where he very innocently delivered said letters to an officer of the Prussian government, who saw fit to forward the same to the minister of foreign affairs at Berlin.

On the 26th the British consul here received a despatch from his ambassador at Berlin, with these same letters enclosed, which, having been sent to him unopened from the ministry of foreign affairs, he now directed Consul Blackwell here to open, and communicate their contents to the other consuls, who all reside here, and which was accordingly done by sending the documents around for copying. After which they were returned again to the British consul. The notifications were all of the same tenor, excepting the name only of the different places to which addressed; were worded in French; dated Bay of Stettin, March 18, 1864, and signed C. von Dockum, contre admiral. A translation thereof will be found in the exposé, and, if required, I will send you a copy of the original.

The exposé contains all that I could at present report regarding the intended blockade, and its effect upon the minds here, wherefore I take the liberty to send you the same; and awaiting your instructions as requested,

I have the honor to be your sincerely obedient servant,
CHARLES J. SUNDELL,

Hon. N. B. JUDD,

United States Consul.

Minister Plenipotentiary, &c., U. S. of A., Berlin.

Mr. Judd to Mr. Sundell.

No. 3.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Berlin, April 6, 1864.

DEAR SIR: Your favors of the 2d and 4th instant are at hand. It seems to me that the question of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the blockade of Swinemünde should not be anticipated by you in advance of any demand for your official action.

I have seen in the newspapers that the government of the United States has been officially notified of the intention of the Danish government to establish a blockade, and it has, by proclamation, brought that notice to the attention of its citizens.

You have also received a notice to the same purport; the regularity and effect of that notice may or may not hereafter become the subject for serious discussion under the rules prescribed by Denmark for the conduct of its officers. You also advise me that the Danish pilots in the sound or belts are notifying all vessels of the blockade.

It seems to me that enough has been done to show clearly and distinctly what the Danish government mean, and the next step on their part is to carry such instructions into effect in accordance with the law of nations, which requires an "effective blockade."

The United States government is not a party to the Paris treaty, for the reason that greater freedom of the seas was demanded upon its side than was provided for in the stipulations of that treaty.

The question, under the circumstances, becomes one of fact, to be determined upon the evidence submitted to the prize court before which condemnation is sought against any vessel charged with breaking or attempting to break the blockade. We have claimed for our courts full jurisdiction and authority to pass upon these questions, and demanded that the adjudications should be

respected. Our government will concede the same authority to the courts of other nations, and respect all decisions made in good faith and according to law. While so doing it will not neglect to look after the interest of vessel owners, not only upon the question of law, but as to the facts.

For you to anticipate the questions thus to be determined, and in advance declare the "blockade ineffective," before the occurrence of any case calling for your official action, and especially to undertake to instruct the master of a vessel or the consignee of a cargo that they can with safety run into the port of Swinemünde, now claimed to be blockaded, would be assuming a responsibility that you are not called upon to assume. These parties must take upon themselves the responsibility of the conduct of the vessel, and your duty is to aid them all in your power, if they become involved in difficulties. To that end all information as to the condition of the blockading force, &c., &c., should be carefully preserved, so as to be made available, but no act or advice of yours should lead them into experiments.

While I should have a very decided opinion, if all the facts are shown in the circular that accompanied your letters, I certainly should not utter that opinion in advance, in such a manner as to induce the parties interested to violate what is claimed by Denmark to be an effective blockade.

I have had an interview at the ministry of foreign affairs upon this subject, and although the insufficiency of the blockade is there claimed, and notwithstanding the official notice to that effect given by the Prussian government, they were very desirous that I should understand that the government assumed none of the responsibility which neutral vessels might incur in running into Swinemünde.

You say you have laid all the facts before the State Department. The Secretary's proverbial promptness, and his habit of elaboration, will give you, at the earliest day, complete and full instruction.

As our government has been enforcing a blockade for a long time, its attitude is such as forbids its representatives from assuming any doubtful position upon such questions.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES J. SUNDELL,

U. S. Consul, Stettin.

N. B. JUDD.

Mr. Judd to Mr. Seward.

[Extract.]

No. 62.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Berlin, April 16, 1864.

SIR: Your despatches Nos. 69 and 70, dated 19th and 21st of March, respectively, as also circular 48, bearing date 6th February, are received.

The Prussian portion of the allied army are still in front of the fortifications at Düppel, making their approaches according to the best approved principles of modern warfare. The bombardment is described as terrific. The hopeful are promising themselves daily news of the storming of the fortifications. As yet the digging and firing, in which they have been engaged for nearly two months, continues.

The London conference, which is now a fixed fact, and was to have assembled on the 12th instant, is postponed to the 20th. The cause for the postponement, as alleged, was the inability of the German Diet to act upon the proposition made to it in time to send a representative.

The Diet has now acted and Her Von Benst, the prime minister of Saxony, will represent it at the London conference.

That assemblage will be a mere representation of dynastic interests, and if any

concession is made to the will of the people of Schleswig-Holstein it will be because the German rulers fear the result among their own people in the event of the restoration of the duchies to Denmark. Those interested may concede that much because they can do it at the expense of a small kingdom. If it is done, it will be contrary to all the principles of the men and the party who now control Prussian affairs, and it will be a concession from necessity to the popular will in Germany and in the duchies. The invasion of Schleswig was, in reality, an attempt to stifle the popular opinion of Germany as it was being developed in connexion with the affairs of the duchies. Events have been stronger than the will of the ruling statesmen, and Herr Von Bismarck must yield on that point.

The conference may postpone what dynastic rulers think the evil day and preserve for the present the peace of Europe; but there is no mistaking the fact that Europe is arrayed in two vast hostile forces, only abiding their time for the final struggle. It is dynastic Europe, in possession of the governments, controlling armies and treasures, against liberal Europe, sometimes called democratic and revolutionary, of which Garibaldi is a fair type and representative. This antagonism exists in nearly all of the kingdoms, and the knowledge of its existence, and of the fact that a general war would develop its power, is the real reason for the strenuous efforts which are being made to preserve the peace.

The ovation given by the people of England to Garibaldi is a subject of comment in all the governmental circles in Europe, and in spite of the efforts to deny its political importance, it is causing new and additional agitation and raising the hopes of the liberals. The governing classes of Europe look upon this movement unfavorably, and, so far as any prominent statesman has taken part in the festivities, it was from compulsion and in obedience to a popular demand too powerful to be resisted, and too much in earnest to be thwarted with safety. The tories of England, at the beck of the Emperor of France, drove from office the friend of Mazzini because of his friendship for that individual; but the people of England have given to Garibaldi, also a friend to Mazzini, an ovation such as was never meted to a crowned head on that island.

The new empire of Mexico is established, so far as it can be done on this side of the ocean. Maximilian has accepted the crown and assumed all the trappings of royalty. He has organized his imperial official household, appointed diplomatic representatives to the leading European courts, and sailed from Trieste in an Austrian armed ship, accompanied by French ships, and will call at Rome for a blessing on his way to his fancied empire.

The new Mexican loan has enabled Maximilian to pay his debts-he was hopelessly insolvent-has given him, in addition, a few millions of francs for travelling expenses, and put in the French exchequer the balance to pay past liabilities and guarantee future responsibilities.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

*

N. B. JUDD.

No. 63.]

Mr. Judd to Mr. Seward.

UNITED STATES LEGATION,
Berlin, April 20, 1864.

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch No. 71 dated April 5, 1864.

The fierce bombardment of the fortifications at Düppel, as described in my last, was continued until the morning of the 18th instant. At five o'clock in the morning on that day the Prussian troops mounted the trenches, and at ten

the signal for storming the works was given; in about two hours and a half all the ten forts were taken, and very soon thereafter the "tete de pont," which protected the bridge connecting Düppel with the island of Alsen, was also car ried. The Danes destroyed the bridge to prevent the Prussians from crossing to the island, thus cutting off the retreat of a considerable portion of the corps that had been defending the fortifications. The Danes lost nearly one hundred officers, and perhaps two thousand prisoners and all of the artillery in the fortifications.

The Prussians report their loss at two generals, sixty officers, and six hundred men killed and wounded.

The shores of the island of Alsen are lined with Danish batteries whose effectiveness depends entirely upon the condition of the troops. My impression is that they will find themselves too much exhausted to prevent the crossing and further advance of the Prussians, elated as they are with their present victory. Berlin was very much excited over the result and was illuminated. The people gathered around the King's palace shouting, cheering, and singing, and his Majesty appeared on the balcony and saluted the people.

The ministerial papers announce the intention to fully occupy the province of Jutland and to hold it as security for the injury done to German commerce by

the Danes.

The conference assembles on the 25th instant at London, and in the present excited state of both Danes and Prussians, it seems as though it would be an impossibility to obtain even a cessation of hostilities during the discussion.

The Emperor of France holds the key to all these difficulties; armed to the teeth, his will is to-day law to all Europe, excepting Russia. What he means no one seems to understand, but he has sent a personal telegram to the King of Prussia congratulating him on the success of the Prussian troops before Düppel. To-morrow evening the King goes himself to the army in Schleswig to congratulate it and bestow his favors and decorations.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

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The allied armies now possess all of Jutland, so far as any military forces occupy the same, the Danes having abandoned the fortifications at Frederica, which have been occupied by the allies. The Danes have also abandoned all of the mainland of the province of Jutland.

The work at the London conference goes on very slowly. The representative at London can give earlier and more exact information as to the real position of affairs in that conference than I can from this point.

The proposition for an armistice in the form proposed by England and France has been rejected by Prussia and Austria. The position of those governments on the subject of an armistice is as follows: They demand an abandonment of the blockade of the German harbors, the surrender of the prizes captured, and

the evacuation and surrender of the island of Alsen, which is a port of Schleswig, upon which terms they, on their part, seem disposed to agree to the evacuation of Jutland by their forces and an armistice.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, Washington.

N. B. JUDD.

Mr. Judd to Mr. Seward.

[Extract.]

No. 65.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
Berlin, May 10, 1864.

SIR: To-day the telegraph brings reports that the London conference has arranged for a cessation of the hostilities between Denmark and Germany, for the term of four weeks, commencing on the 1st instant, on the basis of the "Uti possedetis," so far as the present position of the hostile armies is concerned, and Denmark, in addition, to raise the blockade of such ports as are now blockaded.

The telegraph also brings the news of a naval battle between some Danish ships and a portion of the combined Austrian and Prussian squadron, near the island of Heligoland. As yet we have not enough of detail to determine who has a right to claim the victory. The reports tell of about one hundred and seventy killed and wounded on the side of the allies, and severe injuries to some of the ships. Most, if not all, of this has been suffered by the Austrian portion of the squadron. There is no report from the Danish, beyond the allegation that they have achieved a victory, have received some injury, and sailed northward.

My conviction is that the conference cannot restore the duchies to Denmark as an integral part of that kingdom. It may give the King of Denmark personal rule, and through that create a "personal union;" but matters have gone so far, that even that is not probable. The maintenance of peace under such a union is impossible. The conviction is so strong among the people of the duchies that the present is the time to free themselves from Danish rule forever, that force only can keep them from rebellion against such an arrangement as will prevent the accomplishment of their purposes, and such a force must come from the great powers of Europe. The Danish military power is broken-its war material largely captured, (among it four hundred pieces of cannon,) its fortifications, some of which have stood for centuries, levelled to the ground, and its loss in killed and wounded very large. The Danes are a free, martial people, who have resisted bravely, and step by step, the advance of overwhelming numbers, and although, unaided by other nations, the position was desperate from the beginning, they have struggled with a bravery and obstinacy that must be admired. Denmark proper has a population of a little more than a million and half, and it cannot alone govern the duchies against their will, as the power of the duchies is not to be measured alone by their population. A contest will call to their aid volunteers from all Germany, and no one, not among the Germans, can appreciate the depth of feeling upon the question throughout Germany. It is useless to speculate about who will rule the duchies hereafter. It is not believed here that the London conference will settle that question. The prime minister of Prussia is said to have ambitious views territorially, but such views are believed not to correspond with the feelings of the king. If the question should be left to the people of the duchies, the Duke of Augustenburg would be their choice. A dissolution of the London conference without a definite

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