No. 184.] Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I had, on yesterday, an audience of the King, which I had asked for, in order to express to his Majesty some considerations touching the withdrawal by the great maritime powers of their recognition of the American insurgents as naval belligerents in the sense of your despatch No. 125. After some conversation on other topics, (which will be referred to in another communication,) in reply to the hope expressed by his Majesty for an early termination of the war, the effects of which were so deeply felt in Europe, I said that my government, and the people of the United States, had full confidence in bringing it to an early termination, and in the only way possible to secure permanent peace-a restoration of the authority of the government over the whole territory of the Union. That after over two years and a half of war, and after furnishing over a million and a half of volunteers and fifteen hundred millions of dollars, the confidence in the result and the determination to put down the rebellion at any cost had been but strengthened, as his Majesty might perceive in the facility with which the government obtained fresh resources in men and money from the people. About five-eighths of the territory and population claimed by the insurgents was already restored to the authority of the government, and the remainder exhausted, crippled, and demoralized, were weaker than that proportion would express. Without pretending to fix a term to the war, which might be closed the next campaign, or might continue over several, the result, it seemed to me, could no longer be doubtful, and depended upon the action of the great maritime powers of Europe. We were not fighting alone the rebellion, but we had to contend against the support, moral and material, given by those powers in Europe who called themselves our friends. The recognition of belligerent rights had been and continued to be an immense aid to the insurgents. Not alone in stimulating the hopes of their leaders for a political recognition, and exciting to more desperate resistance, but in enabling them to procure the means to exercise, under the protection of those powers, detestable acts of spoliation and destruction of peaceful merchantmen upon the high seas. At this moment there were in the ports of France no less than three English vessels, with English crews and armaments, fitting out to continue their work of piracy under the so-called confederate flag. If European governments desired peace, let them withdraw their moral support to the rebellion, and refuse the means to the insurgents for continuing the war by inhibiting these vessels access to and protection in their ports. Such course would surely hasten the end. The contrary course would but prolong the struggle and the sufferings in Europe, but could not affect the result which the deliberate resolution of the government and the people of the United States had determined upon. We could, I continued, carry on the war for still a considerable period without serious disturbance to our financial or industrial interests, but could Europe long afford to continue to aid to prolong the war? Every day's continuance of the war, and a war tariff on foreign goods, was adding to our independence of her and her manufactures, and consequently tending to close her most important markets. Instead of sending two hundred million dollars' worth of goods to the United States to buy cotton, France and England were now sending specie to distant lands to pay five prices for cotton to people who needed few clothes, and were but trifing consumers of their manufactures. If this were long continued, to the great embarrassments of a financial crisis would be likely to be added the calamity of a monetary crisis, and with it suspension of specie payments. Again, the continuance of the war would but make more wide-spread the desolation in the cotton-producing States, and inflict upon Europe a more prolonged period of high prices for cotton. Was not the time come for this subject to be seriously considered by European governments? Now, the withdrawal of the recognition of belligerent rights to the insurgents would be considered a gracious and friendly act, which would do much to allay the irritation which had been excited among our people; the time might not be far distant when the condition of the south would necessitate its withdrawal, and when we should have a right to claim it from those who would remain our friends. His Majesty had already lent his powerful influence in favor of justice and peace in the matter of the stoppage of the iron-clad vessels building for the confederates in England, and his action, as on other important occasions, had been highly appreciated by my government. Could not that influence, acquired by the exercise of well-directed efforts in favor of peace and of good relations between peoples in both hemispheres, be now employed to promote the cause of peace in America, and would it not be an act of humanity, not only to the insurgents, but to the suffering classes of Europe, to counsel a withdrawal of that aid hitherto given to the rebellion against the government and integrity of a friendly power? His Majesty listened attentively to the remarks of which the above is the substance, and said I was right in supposing that his earnest efforts in the future, as in the past, would be directed in favor of peace. He would be gratified, he continued, if any way could be found by which that desirable end could be obtained in the United States towards which he had long entertained, as he had now, feelings of special friendly interest, and he hoped to see an early termination to this war, the disastrous effects of which were so wide-spread, and that it should be effected in a spirit of conciliation. If, he said further, the President should ever desire his aid in the cause of peace it would be cheerfully given. His Majesty, save in expressions of assent to various propositions made in the course of my remarks, did not express (nor did I expect him to) any opinion upon their subject-matter, viz., the expediency of the withdrawal of belligerent rights to the insurgents. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, H. S. SANFORD. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of state, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward. No. 185.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: The King, in his audience to-day, after expressing the gratification with which he had perused the letter of the President to his Majesty in reply to his award in the Macedonian case, and requesting me to communicate the same to him personally, spoke with a good deal of earnestness of the desire he had to have a line of steamships established between Antwerp and the United States. He expressed the hope that we would, on our side, lend our aid to this end. His Majesty seemed to count more upon American enterprise for such an undertaking than upon that of Belgium. I said to the King, in reply, that I thought it very possible, if the project of aiding emigration to the United States should be realized, that Antwerp, the natural outlet for a large portion of the continent, might be made the seat of a bureau of emigration, and a point of departure for emigrants. This would greatly promote the creation of a steam ship line, and, I added, that when the war was over, some of our national vessels, which had been purchased from the merchant service, and were adapted for such purposes, would possibly be employed in the transportation of mails to countries with which we had not now direct communication. Under our new postal convention, providing for special transit privileges through Belgium for correspondence, Antwerp or Ostend would be the most favorable point on the continent for the distribution of mails, and consequently for the terminus of such a line. While our present practice was not to grant subsidies to mail ships otherwise than the allowance of the postage earned, his Majesty might be assured that there would be on our part every desire to aid in making still closer and more intimate friendly relations between the two countries in the way he had indicated. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. No. 188.] Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Brussels, February 2, 1864. SIR: The "conservative" leaders who were invited by the King for that purpose not having been able to form a ministry, the late cabinet was requested by his Majesty, on the 31st ultimo, to remain, and has consented. While I understand it will announce to the Chambers that, in continuing in power, it abdicates in no degree its political programme, I do not doubt that irritating party questions will be avoided, while, on the other hand, the "conservative" party will hardly seek occasion to overthrow a cabinet which it has proved itself unable to replace. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward. No. 195.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: I have the honor to report my arrival here on the 25th instant, having landed at Southampton on the 15th. I had an interview with M. Rogier on the following day. The conversation was desultory; the main object of my visit, after paying my respects to the minister of foreign affairs, being to have a day fixed for the exchange of the ratification of the treaties of which I was the bearer from Washington. M. Rogier made inquiries touching the progress of our war, the colossal proportions of which and the frightful loss of life had, he said, astonished the world, and asked when I thought it would terminate. I replied, with the suppression of the rebellion; that neither men, means, nor determination on the part of the government and people were wanting to that end; that I had been confirmed by my visit to the United States, and contact with our people in all parts of the country, in the conviction that the government would be upheld in its purpose of restoring its authority over the whole country; we had strong faith that the next campaign would bring the war to an end; that this campaign would result in the defeat of Lee and fall of Richmond. But would we be able to provide for the expense of a long-continued war? he rejoined. I replied, that the history of the past three years would serve to form a judgment for the future. Our people had lent over seventeen hundred millions of dollars to the general government, besides furnishing hundreds of millions additional to the State and municipal governments, and to soldiers, to aid in the prosecution of the war; they were still supplying the means to carry on the war, and it was to be doubted if these resources exceeded the surplus gains of the country. The markets of Europe, too, were open to us if we deemed it expedient to accept their proffers of money, which had not been wanting. I had seen no signs of exhaustion in the country. So far from growing weaker physically by the war, we were daily gaining strength. Our population to-day was three millions more than at the commencement of the war. Whatever the difficulties attendant upon carrying on the war, it must and would go on. M. Rogier expressed his astonishment at the evidence of the power and wealth of the United States which this war had brought forth, and his hope that it would be brought to an early termination. The resignation tendered by the ministers to the King has been withdrawn at his request, and the cabinet has carried through most of the business of the legislative session (which will probably be terminated next week) with the feeble majority of from one to three votes. The probability is, that the Parliament will be dissolved, and an appeal made to the people by new elections late in the autumn. The health of the King I am happy to be able to inform you is excellent. Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. P. S.-The United States frigate Niagara arrived at Antwerp yesterday, and is now engaged taking in coal. H. S. S. No. 199.] Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Lieutenant General Chapelie, "charged by his Majesty the Emperor of Mexico with the mission of organizing a body of troops destined to form part of the imperial Mexican guard," has issued a notice under date of yesterday, which I enclose herewith, touching the conditions, &c., of enlistment. The service is for six years, with a bounty of from sixty to one hundred francs, for non-commissioned officers and soldiers, and the same amount to be given at the expiration of their service, with return passage to Antwerp. Those who remain in Mexico as colonists will be entitled, the common soldier to about ten acres, the sergeant to about thirty acres of land, and to certain advances for its improvement; this grant of land to be doubled in the event of completing a second. term of six years' service. The pay while in Belgium is to be the same as that of the Belgian army. In Mexico it will be augmented in accordance with the needs of the soldier, and will be equal to that given to the best paid corps. I have been told that the organization of this corps is complete, in so far as the officers are concerned, and that leave has been given to officers of the army who have joined this corps, which will number two thousand men. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, No. 201.] Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Sanford to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: A new cause of excitement and agitation, tending to envenom still more the relations between the two political parties of this country, has absorbed public attention here for the past week. On the 30th ultimo M. Orts presented, in the house of representatives, a bill based upon the law of 1856, adding six representatives and three senators to the representation in parliament, this increase being made to correspond with the augmentation of the population of the country, according to local statistics, and in accordance with the provision of the constitution by which one representative is accorded to every forty thousand inhabitants, and one senator to two representatives. The passage of this bill would strengthen the cabinet, as the 250,000 increase of population is, for the most part, in the centres of trade and industry where, with the exception of Antwerp, the liberal party has the ascendant; thus Brussels, having an increase since 1859 of 80,000 inhabitants, is allowed by the bill two additional representatives; Liege, one; Antwerp, one, &c. The bill has raised a storm of disapprobation on the part of the opposition, which insists that, according to the law of 1856, the general decennial census (to take place in 1866) should precede any new apportionment of representatives, and that it is contrary to the spirit of the constitution. In the session of the house of representatives on the 1st instant, M. Dumortier, in the name of his political friends, in a note evidently prepared in concert with the members of his party, after having dwelt upon their moderation since the renewal of the sessions of parliament in indulging in no factious opposition to the cabinet, stated their objections to the bill, and demanded an explanation of the government touching its position with respect to it. M. Rogier replied that the. cabinet intended to support the bill of M. Orts, and saw therein none of the dangers or unconstitutional acts which M. Dumortier had indicated. M. Dumortier replied that his party would be neither their dupes nor their victims; that he and his friends were now determined to bring about a dissolution of parliament by every legal means; that they had not desired, and did not desire, to obstruct the public service; that they would vote a provisional credit for the appropriations to the department of public works (the most important in the budget, and the only remaining section before the house) for the number of months which the minister of public works would declare to be necessary upon a dissolution of parliament, but that they would not vote upon a revolutionary bill. A most stormy and excited debate followed, before the termination of which most of the members of the right left the house in a body. At the next session, on the 5th instant, the cabinet and its supporters only were present, fifty-six members in all, three members belonging to the liberal party being absent, and it adjourned over to the following day, and continues to adjourn from day to day to await the arrival of M. Tesch, minister of justice, who is absent in Ger |