ous ideas, added to which is the immenfe vehicle of mercantile influ

ence.

Let us take a rapid view of the difference of fituation between Engfand and France, with regard to the influential or influenced part of this country. It is painful to go back to the era of our revolution, because it cannot excite pleasant reflections in those who have loft all fenfe of the honourable aid we received in that time. In difcuffing the events of that day we should feel an indignant pity: but let us even for a moment endeavour to find an excufe for this infenfibility, by confeffing that the unjuft feverity with which France has treated our commerce, ought to make us forgetful and ungrateful. Let us even fuppofe, that in all our measures, during this war, prior to her measures against us, we had done her no injuftice that we had not altered our neutral position in favour of her enemy, and to her disadvantage, in a time of war.

But let us examine fairly the prominent feature of our conduct latterly, and let us frankly fay whether it was or not partial; for it is in that examination we shall be able to difcover, whether we have been fubjected wilfully or blindly, or not, to Foreign Influence.

If, looking back four or five short years, we find our commerce interrupted, our feamen impreffed, a ftate governmental officer openly menaced and infulted, our frontiers threatened with favage defolation, and our administration maintaining a dead filence, an aftonishing forbearance. from complaint; if we see the adherents, the known organs, of adminif tration outrageously clamarous for peace and moderation!-can we cease to wonder and admire their wisdom. If we see the fame adminiftration, entering into a treaty even with the Barbary powers, and making a public facrifice of excellent fhips and large fums of money as a tribute to

our

The French arreft our commerce as the British had done, and continue to do. But they never impreffed our feamen. They never infulted a state governor. Yet, strange to tell, voice is now for war." The foft ac cents of melting commiferation are changed into tones of vengeance. The pathetic depicture of warlike cruelty is changed into the fhrill clamor of war. Peace has loft all her charms, and Bellona with the furies, become the deities of minifterial devotion! Can fuch conduct be called impartial? Can it be called by a fofter name than partiality!

The task would be endless to purfue, and publifh all the evidences of this ftrangely difcordant system.

We have had repeated occafion to notice them, in accounts from Halifax, Providence, Cape Nichola Mole, and various parts of the Weft Indies; Captain Cochrane's blockade of Charleston last year, and taking about eleven veffels out of that port in 48 hours; a British officer on a previous occafion openly and publicly beat up for recruits in the streets of that city; another British officer not only recruited but impressed men in the harbour of New York. Veffels have been repeatedly condemned in British courts for having oil, colours, and perhaps a few brads on board; and not among the least remarkable is the unjust pretenfion of fovereignty, set up by his Britannic majefty over a certain clafs of our fellow-citizens. These are only among the facts that

have been spoken least of; and yet, extraordinary to relate, there has ne ver been a message from the executive, nor an explanatory report from the secretary of state, on these things: the reverse, a profound filence, is obferved on the fubject.

When, from the proper office fome time ago, a lift was prefented of the American veffels captured, mr. Pickering did not mention a fingle veffel captured by the British, "because" he faid, he had not time to make it out" although the account made out was principally extracted from newspapers which alfo contained the accounts of British captures, and which as ordinary a clerk as any in the fecretary's office might have made out in the course of half a day with a pair of fciffars and paste !

In the meffage communicating the glaring infult lately committed on the Baltimore, by commodore Loring, too notorious to be concealed, it is faid by authority, perhaps by way of extenuation, that this was the first offence. No doubt it was the firft offence towards our ships of war, because it was the first opportunity, as they have been but a few months on the ocean in a state of equipment. But was the offence the lefs, when feveral veffels under convoy of a prie vate armed fhip, bearing a public commiffion, were taken and carried into Halifax?

Americans! you whom the spirit of party, ambition, or avarice have not yet debased-read and recollect -and then decide, if in these facts there is not the moft decifive evidence of partiality!

This rapid expofition of facts cannot be controverted. Many are the caufes which are fuppofed to produce fuch baneful effects. We fhall endeavour to trace a fource of British

claims to their country, by bafely aiding in the efforts of Britain to fubjugate it, were thrown as public penfioners on her bounty. By the commiffioners of accounts (of whom lord Dorchester, afterwards governor of Canada was one) the grofs amount of claims was fo great, that the Britifh government defpaired of paying above a tenth part of them. England had not then relinquished the delufive hope of regaining her ascendancy over America. The refugees were generally men of extensive connexions in America. To fecure them was an object. Not to compensate them for their adherence, would be to lose them. It was fuggefted, and the plan adopted, that, instead of making a full and direct compenfation for their loffes by the revolution, they fhould be entitled to annuities, each to his proportion of proven loffes in the conteft: this was ultimately ac cepted; and the loyalists remained. penfioners of the British government, and fecured to her interefts forever. To render this policy more effectual, the penfions were to be paid in whatever country the penfioner fhould refide,

It must be premised, that under the plan of the commiffioners of accounts the adjustment of claims was limited to a fixed day, after which no further claim was to be received. The following facts, extracted from the accounts of the Treafury of Great Britain, under the article of "Penfions paid to American royal, ifts, who deferted the American cause at the time of the American revolution," may furnish fome interefting confiderations for the man of reflec

influence, which has not, at least

within our knowledge, ever been ex

plored or expofed.

It will be remembered that, on the

conclufion of the peace of 1783,

thofe Americans who forfeited all

1794 1795

652,329 19 7 1-2 723,698 17 5 3-4

know that the Americans could have been bought with their own gold."

Or Dollars. 18,491,458

After the peace, in 1783, the Americans who had remained faithful to the British government, reprefented to parliament, that the loffes they

Society, or Board of Agriculture, submitted to the Committee of Congress on the President's Speech of 1796, recommending Encouragement to be given to the Agricul ture of the United States.

HAVE feen published in a Phi

quence of their attachment to monarchy, amounted to the fum of L.10,358,413, fterling, to which they had a right, according to the treaty of peace, and demanded the reimbursement; but, by the act of parliament paffed on the recommendation of the commiffion of accounts, this claim was reduced and fixed to £.3,033,091. In the year 1785 they had actually received the fum of 6.2,036,346; and of course they had nothing more to claim than a small balance, which, by the payments made in 1786, 87, 88, and 89, was more than fatisfied. Since that period, up to 1795, inclufive, a new fum of £.3,301,543 has been paid to them, which is more than double the fum granted by the act, exclufive of the fums paid in 1796, 7, and 8, of which we

have no account.

How came this furplus of money to be granted? How came it, that, inftead of decreasing in the natural courfe of life annuities, they have encreafed up to 1795? Did mr. Hammond, or has mr. Liston, recommended any sufferers to royal bounty?

Plain anfwers will fupercede all

comment.

Lord Hillsborough (celebrated in our revolution for his famous circular letter) after having retired from the British cabinet, to make way for lord George Germaine, and his politics-in a converfation at his own table expreffed himself to a clergyman thus " I was always of opinion that our government was wrong, in proceeding beyond certain bounds with measures of coercion; for I

a committee of congrefs, on the late prefident's recommendation, to encourage improvements in the agriculture of the United States. That report contains a plan for the establishment of a National Agricultural Society; and I prefume its publication has been made, with a view to invite remarks thereon from profeffional men of experience and obfervation in that science: It is, therefore, I take the liberty, with due respect to that committee, to give my fentiments on this interesting fubject; and I hope others, fo qualified, will alfo accept the invitation thus prudently given.

In the first place,, I approve of the propofition for a national fociety; which, being compofed principally of our reprefentatives, they may be the patrons of the art; and to whom all communications, from more competent, though fubordinate focieties, may be made, for the information of our citizens at large; and to convince them of the importance of these inftitutions, and how worthy they may be of legiflative encouragement.

Being myfelf profeffional in the agricultural line, and of fome experience, my attention has often been engaged, on the means neceffary, or which in my opinion may be most usefully adopted for the promotion of knowledge and improvement in that fcience.

Mr. Arthur Young, whofe labours and publications are invaluable, notes in one of his tours through France to acquire agricultural information,

The reafons are evident: for tho' the focieties may confift of enlight ened men in other refpects, and of gentlemen fincerely difpofed to promote improvement; yet, being with out practical or profeffional knowledge, they may often commit ridiculous errors in judgments and reports; and as mr. Young fays, "pub lish nonsense." The fame might take place in focieties fimilarly inftituted, to promote agriculture, painting, or fculpture; and fuch would take place even in the national agricultural fociety of the United States, under the organization as propofed by the committee of congrefs in the report I allude to, without fome alterations of, and additions to the plan.

The United States, from feafons, foils, and climates, may be divided, naturally, into three principal agricultural diftricts In No. 1, may be included all to the northward and eastward of New York, and the most northern parts of that state: In No. 2, may be included all to the weft, and to the fouth, as far as the fouthern boundary of Virginia, and Kentucky In No. 3, may be included the ftates of North and South Carolina, Georgia, and the South Weftern Territory. Each of thefe diftricts has its capital farmers, planters, and graziers; from amongst whom, trustees might be appointed and empowered to purchase 3 or 400, or more, acres of land in one body, in each diftrict; to inftitute a feminary thereon for agricultural knowledge and improvement. Each of thefe feminaries might confist of one experimental, and one practical farm, under different profeffors. On each farm might be distinct offices on some approved plan; uniting fimplicity, convenience, cheapnefs, and durabi

lity.

I. Of the experimental Farms.

The profeffor, in each feminary, of experimental agriculture, should be fo lodged as to be enabled to accommodate his pupils in board, &c. on reafonable terms; which, with a fee' of 2 or 300 dollars as the price of tuition, and a certain falary, might induce a well-educated profeffional farmer (every way qualified) to accept the profefforfhip. To thefe buildings fhould be annexed a workshop, for making farmer's implements, and a library for the profeffors and ftudent's; which, with a few acres of land to experiment on (fuppofe fifty) would induce many students to enter, not as fervants, but as pupils and companions to the profeffor.

II. Of the Practical Farms.

Each practical farm should also be accommodated with chambers for two claffes of ftudents. The first to be obliged to labour with the fervants, at certain hours, and to pay for their board; the other to pay a fee of 2 or 300 dollars, and for their board, &c. and to be treated by the profeffor, as companions and affiftants: Thofe of active difpofitions would naturally aid in hay-time and harvest; but this to be at their option. To the buildings on this farm, might be annexed a library, a work-fhop for the ftudents, a repofitory for models of all implements ufed in hufbandry in all nations, and of fuch as might be recommended by the profeffors of practical and experimental agriculture in the feveral diftricts.

Duties of Trustees.

The trustees within each district might meet half-yearly, at the ref pective feminaries, to receive and examine the reports of the profeffors, and certify the fame to the national fociety at the feat of congress. able fecretary would be an important affiftant to the board of trustees.

An

The practical farms, to be conducted on the ftricteft principles of

economy, and, under able men, need never be any additional expenfe to the public, after erecting the buildings, and ftocking them with every thing neceffary, in the first instance: perhaps they might be fo improved as to pay a good intereft, independent of thir national utility.

It is well known that the planters and farmers of the United States, educate their fons more liberally than the generality of farmers do in any other countries. The reasons are obvious: We enjoy an equal, happy, free government, and are the great eft landholders. But it is to be regretted that this fame education, from the ancient prejudices, or confined views of thofe who have the direction of our colleges, rather unfits or incapacitates our children for farmers: for, being made to devote fo many years in long black robes, to the study of foreign words their nerves become as unftrung, and as difinclined to active life, as their robed tutors are; and therefore they reject this most liberal of all profeffions, as fometimes perfonal exertions are necessary,

As a corrective of the unfortunate habits thus acquired, I propose the three diftinct feminaries above mentioned, to be inftituted at the national expense, and to be under the government of trustees, in such man, nér as may be most advifeable for ftudents and apprentices, from the

age

of 18 to 21, and even upwards. From our youth acquiring agricultural inftruction in these feminaries, after a ufual school-education, what might not be expected? Divested of attachments to the customs and prejudices of their fathers, and of their neighbourhood, which are naturally imbibed by witneffing only one mode of culture, they would carry with them to their refpective fetttlements, all the improvements in the art, and thus diffeminate them throughout our country.

If agriculture is to be perfected, it must be done by men thus educat.

ed: their example and fuccefs will lead the lefs-inftructed farmers and planters, in due time, to follow them. Gentlemen who are defirous to edu. cate their fons to an agricultural life, would undoubtedly prefer fending them to one of these feminaries: But, from the want thereof, they would do well to place them, as pupils, with fuperior farmers, under fuch conditions as their respective circumstances and views may warrant. Many have purchased their knowledge by dear experience. That " any man may be a farmer," without previous education, is a very mistaken idea. III. Of Districts for Agricultural

Seminaries.

The questions, Where might fuch national feminaries be moft advanta

geously established? and, What rela tion are they to have to the national agricultural fociety propofed by the report of congrefs, first alluded to? must naturally occur. In answer to the first, I would remark, that the fituation is of little national impor tance; but no doubt each state, each county, each township, or parish, within the refpective diftrict, would wifh the feminary for their district to be in their neighbourhood. As all cannot be gratified in this, I prefume to name the vicinity of Hartford, Connecticut, for district No. 1; the vici nity of Philadelphia, for diftrict No. S. Carolina, diftrict No. 3. If fimilar 2; and the vicinity of Charleston, focieties could be inftituted in each ftate, near their refpective feats of government, and under the patronage of the refpective legislatures, the national advantages would be multiplied

to a moft defirable extent. The mea

fure only wants enlightened patrons in the respective state ligiflatures. Of the Relation of the Trustees and

Professors of the subordinate Societies, or Seminaries, to the National Agricultural Society, or Board of Agriculture.

In answer to the fecond question, I beg leave to obferve, that it ought