to be the duty of the profeffors of the experimental farms, to regifter every experiment they make (fuccefsful or unfuccefsful) the progreffive procefs, and the refults thereof: and, every fix months, to make two fair copies from their regifter, to be fubmitted to the examination of the vifiting trustees; who, on each copy, fhould certify their having compared the fame with the record; adding whatever remarks they might deem neceffary. One copy thereof, it fhould be the duty of the trustees to transmit by the poft, to the national agricultural fociety, at the feat of congrefs; and to publish in the newspapers and otherwise, from the other to the inftitution: and if a law profefforfhip were to be added to each of thefe diftrict experimental farms, would they not thereby be rendered more complete? A competent knowledge of, and attachment to, the laws of our country, ought to be efteemed an important part of the education of an American farmer. On fuch citizens, government might at all times, depend, as fupporters of our happy conftitution, and of a good adminiftration. A FARMER, Of Mifflin County, Pennsylvania. Scrap. copy, at least all the fuccefsful expe- OUR legiflators have flown they riments though I should wish the unfuccessful alfo to be publifhed. It ought, in like manner, to be the duty of the profeffor of the practical farm, to regifter each day's labour, of each crop, day by day; to note the weather, and state of the feafons, and to keep regular accounts of the products, fales, confumption, expenditures, and receipts; and to ftate thefe in fuch method as to fhow the refult of each crop feparately: the whole to be fubmitted, half-yearly, to the examination of the truffees, and to be by them certified, tranfmitted to the national board of agriculture, and published for general information. From these half-yearly reports and publications, it should be the duty of the national fociety to communicate to the prefident of the United States, officially, every thing neceffary on the fubject; and to recommend the neceffary appropriations for fupporting or extending this plan. If the profeffors of experimental agriculture fhould be qualified to teach the higher branches of mathematics, and give lectures in chemistry, botany, and farriery, their ufefulness would be greatly increased. So connected and neceffary are these fciences to the gentleman farmer, that an additional profeffor for the purpose would be highly honourable are fathers of their country: may we never be wanting in gratitude to them! For the farmers, that they may not have a furplus of produce to risk on the feas, they have kindly provided a market for that furplus at home-a ftanding army, which mnft be fupported. For fufpected aliens and turbulent democrats, a muzzle and a tranfportation bill. As to those patriots who have been fo lavish as to pledge their lives and fortunes to the prefident, they alfo are provided for: the prefident is authorised to accept of their fervices as Volunteers; and the twomillion tax is a fit repofitory for their purfes, as it will take much of the burden off the shoulders of the induftrious poor. Heaven grant, while it moderates, it may not entirely extinguifh, the flame of patriotifm which they boast. urges them to commence hoftilities against France. By the late arrete of the government of France, all British manufactures are liable to capture, found on board neutral fhips. In confequence of this declaration, the Americans are urged to arming, or, in other words, to war, against the republic. The question then naturally arises, will the people of the United States involve themselves in all the calamities of war, for the purpose of protecting BRITISH MANUFACTURES? Will they involve themfelves in a debt of 40 or 50 millions, merely to aid the British merchants and manufacturers, in the fale of all the fuperfluities imported into this conntry? Will they mortgage their farms or hazard their lives for the fafety of a trunk of ribands, a box of hats, or a cafe of fhoes? Will they entail a debt of millions on their children, to fupport British merchants and manufacturers in the deftruction of our own manufactures? Are not the principal part of the British importations, either luxuries, or fuch articles as we could manufacture among ourselves? Will the Hatters of America commence war, to promote the hatters of England? Will the Shoemakers (particularly of Lynn) hazard their lives, and become fubject to a heavy tax, to fupport the fhoemakers of England? Will the Glass manufacturers expofe themselves to the diftreffing confequences of war, to enable the Briftol merchants to export the fame to the United States? Will the feveral manufacturers in America, who are now languishing under every embar raffment from English importations, be willing to gird on the fword and fight, to maintain those Englishmen, who are living on their deftruction? Will the Merchants trading to France, Holland, and Spain, engage in a war against thofe nations, for the benefit of the English trade? Will the reomanry be fo far duped into this bufinefs, as to expofe their farms to taxation, to enable a fet of British refidents to carry on a commerce, which not only destroys the manufacture of their wool and flax, but by which the produce of their farms are not in the leaft benefited? Let the Teomanry confider what nation in Europe has given rife to the price of their beef, flour, and other productions. The French have been the principal fource, from whence we have receceived the advantage of our exportations. What folly must it be then, for us to enter into a war with France, with whom we have been thus happily connected, to promote the British manufactures, which drain our country of 5 or 6 millions annually, in fpecie? Will the Sailors enter on board American armed veffels, and fubject themselves to the lofs of their limbs, to help a gang of British importers? The question, my countrymen, fimply refts here, will the FARMERS, the TRADESMEN, and MANUFACTURERS engage in a war with France, to fupport the manufactures of England, confifting principally of extravagances, luxuries, and fuch articles as can be manufactured by our own citizens? If Britain can lead America into fuch an abfurdity, they will laugh at our folly and defpife us for our ignorance. A REPUBLICAN. PUBLIC DO ̊C U MEN T S. and thofe where a courier may go Inauguration Speech of the President of the United States, March 4, 1797. from the feat of government to the frontier in a fingle day, it was then certainly foreseen by fome, who af HEN it was firft perceiv- fifted in congress at the formation of 66 WHEN was ps, that it, that it could not be durable. no middle courfe for America remained, between unlimited fubmiffion to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims; men of reflection were lefs apprehenfive of danger, from the formidable pow. er of fleets and armies, they must determine to refift, than from thofe contests and diffentions, which would certainly arife, concerning the forms of government to be inftituted, over the whole, and over the parts of this extenfive country. Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the juftice of their caufe, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an over-ruling Providence, which had fo fignally protected this country from the firft, the reprefentatives of this nation, then confifting of little more than half its prefent numbers, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging, and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut afunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty. "The zeal and ardour of the people, during the revolutionary war, fupplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order, fufficient at least for the temporary prefervation of fociety. The confederation, which was early felt to be neceffary, was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain, with any detail and precifion, in hiftory, and certainly the only ones, which the people at large had ever confidered. But, reflecting on the ftriking difference, in fo many particulars, between this country, "Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not difobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in states, foon appeared, with their melancholy confequences; univerfal languor, jealoufies, rivalries of states; decline of navigation and commerce; difcouragement of neceffary manufactures; univerfal fall in the value of lands and their produce; contempt of public and private faith; lofs of confideration and credit with foreign nations; and, at length, in difcontents, animofities, combinations, partial conventions, and infurrection ; threatening fome great national calamity. "In this dangerous crifis, the people of America were not abandoned by their ufual good fenfe, prefence, of mind, refolution, or integrity. Meafures were purfued, to concert a plan, to form a more perfect union, eftablish juftice, enfure domeftic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and fecure the bleffings of liberty. The public difquifitions, difcuffions, and deliberations, iffued in the prefent happy conftitution of govern ment. "Employed in the fervice of my country abroad, during the whole courfe of thefe tranfactions, I first faw the conftitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public. debate, heated, by no party animofity, I read it with great fatisfaction, as a reful. of good heads, prompted by good hearts; as an experiment, better adapted to M m the genius, character, fituation, and relations of this nation and country, than any which had ever been propofed or fuggefted. In its general principles and great outlines, it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most efteemed, and in fome ftates, my own native ftate in particular, had contributed to establifh. Claiming a right of fuffrage in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a conftitution, which was to rule me and my pofterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hefitate to exprefs my approbation of it, on all occafions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been fince, any objection to it, in my mind, that the executive and fenate were not more permanent. Nor have I entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it, but fuch as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, fhould fee and feel to be neceffary or expedient, and by their reprefentatives in congrefs and the ftate legiflatures, according to the conftitution itself, adopt and ordain. "Returning to the bofom of my country, after a painful feparation from it, for ten years, I had the honour to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most ferious obligations to fupport the conftitution. The operation of it has equalled the most fanguine expectations of its friends; and, from an habitual attention to it, fatisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects, upon the peace, order, profperity, and happiness of the nation, I have acquired an habitual attachment to it, and veneration for it. "What other form of government, indeed, can fo well deferve our esteem and love? "There may be little folidity in an ancient idea, that congregations of men into cities and nations, are the most pleasing objects in the fight of fuperior intelligencies: but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind, there can be no fpectacle prefented by any nation, more pleafing, more noble, majestic, or auguft, than an affembly like that which has fo often been seen in this and the other chamber of congress; of a government, in which the executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the legiflature, are exercifed by citizens felected, at regular periods, by their neighbours, to make and execute laws for the general good. Can any thing effential, any thing more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes or diamonds? Can authority be more amiable or refpectable, when it defcends from accidents, or inftitutions eftablished in remote antiquity, than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honeft and enlightened people? For, it is the people only that are reprefented: it is their power and majefty, that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The exiftence of fuch a government as ours, for any length of time, is a full proof of a general diffemination of knowledge and virtue, throughout the whole body of the people. And what object of confideration more pleasing than this can be prefented to the human mind? If national pride is ever juftifiable or excufable, it is when it fprings, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence. "In the midft of thefe pleafing ideas, we should be unfaithful to ourfelves, if we fhould ever lofe fight of the danger to our liberties, if any thing partial or extraneous fhould infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a fingle vote, and that can be procured by a party, through artifice or corruption, the government may be the choice of a party, for its own ends, not of the nation, for the national good. If that folitary fuffrage can be obtained by foreign nations, by flattery or menaces; by fraud or violence; by terror, intrigue, or venality; the government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we the people, who govern ourselves. And candid men will acknowledge, that, in fuch cafes, choice would have little advantage to boast of, over lot or chance. "Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and fuch are fome of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited, to the admiration and anxiety of the wife and virtuous of all nations, for eight years; under the adminiftration of a citizen, who, by a long courfe of great actions, regulated by prudence, juftice, temperance, and fortitude; conducting a people, infpired with the fame virtues, and animated with the fame ardent patriotifm and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to increafing wealth and unexampled profperity; has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and fecured immortal glory with pofterity. "In that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his fervices, the gratitude of mankind; the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increafing; and that splendid profpect of the future fortunes of his country, which is opening from year to year. His name may be ftill a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or fecret enemies of his country's peace. "This example has been recommended to the imitation of his fucceffors, by both houfes of congrefs, and by the voice of the legislatures and the people, throughout the nation. "On this fubject it might become me better to be filent, or to speak with diffidence: But, as fomething may be expected, the occafion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology, if I venture to say, that-if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and ferious reflection, after a diligent and impartial enquiry after truth; if an attachment to the conftitution of the United States, and a confcientious determination to fupport it, until it fhall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expreffed in the mode prefcribed in it; if a refpectful attention to the conftitutions of the individual states, and a constant caution and delicacy towards the ftate governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interefts, honor, and happiness of all the ftates in the union, without preference or regard to a northern or fouthern, eaftern or western pofition, their various political opinions on uneffential points, or their perfonal attachments; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations; if a love of fcience and letters, and a wish to patronize every rational effort to encourage fchools, colleges, univerfities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion among all claffes of the people; not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life, in all its ftages and claffes, and of fociety in all its forms; but, as the only means of preferving our conftitution from its natural enemies, the fpirit of fophiftry, the spirit of party, the fpirit of intrigue, profligacy, and corruption, and the peftilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of deftruction to elective governments; if a love of equal laws, of juftice and humanity, in the interior adminiftration; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufac tures for neceflity, convenience, and |