nor industry can ensure success in historic researches, or shed over the scenes

of other days that informing light which

can alone give them interest and importance, without an access to original documents; and where no such documents exist, where the public events and transactions of a country are left unrecorded, and suffered to slumber in oblivion, the historian who seeks to explore them after a lapse of two thousand years must frequently wander through the romantic abodes of fancied events and imaginary heroes, without a guide to direct him to the retreats of certainty. Battles will be won that never were fought, and warriors will be slain that never existed. The author indeed collects with indefatigable industry whatever could be gleaned from the Greek and Roman historians; but this afforded but scanty materials, as these historians never spoke of them but incidentally, and were but little acquainted with their local history. M. Micali himself frequently convicts them of erroneous relations, and proves the fabulous character of many of their accounts; but after exploding these poetic dreams, he is unable to unveil to us the truth which ought to replace them. He leads us to doubt, or to ineredulity, relative to the greater part of the traditions which others have im plicitly received; but he has substituted nothing for them but a void which no human industry, or intellectual powers will ever be able to supply. In making these observations, we are far from depreciating the talents of the author: on the contrary, we cannot sufficiently admire the vigour and ap plication of mind that reign throughout. Wherever he has authority to rest upon, wherever he has such data as enable him to speak as a critic, and without which criticism always dwindles into conjecture, he gives soul and animation to his subject, and proves himself to be what he is, a writer of the first or der. Hence it is, that his account of the progress of the Pythagorean schools, and of the revolutions of Greece are read, and will continue to be read with encreasing interest. His reflections on politics and political economy are equally profound; and notwithstanding the insurmountable difficulties under which the author laboured, we have no hesitation to say, that there is no work more deserving a place in a general library, or more necessary to fill up, if not entirely, at least partially, a void which has been long experienced with regard to the history of the native Italians.

Coleccion, &c.:A Selection of Fragments in the Castilian Language, collected from the best Writers. Madrid, 1821.

This collection contains fragments of the poems of Cervantes, Mariana, Solis, Quevedo, Mendoza, Guevara, Granada, Leon, and Jovelanos, who are the most classical writers of Spain, and, therefore, the best models for youth.

Noticia de los Principales Succesos occuridos en el Gobierno de Espana, &c. -Also in French, under the title of D'Appercu des Revolutions survenues dans le Gonvernement d'Espagne, &c. An Account of the Revolutions of the Spanish Government, from the commencement of the Insurrection of 1808, to the Dissolution of the Ordinary Cortes in 1814. 8vo. Paris.

This history of the late Revolutions which have taken place in the Spanish Government, the production of a Spaniard resident at Paris, has been thought worthy of a translation into the French language. The events that led to this Revolution are unknown to few. Buonaparte, in virtue of an Act of Session, signed by the Spanish Monarch, claimed, in virtue of this Act, the right of Sovereignty over the kingdom of Spain.The invader prescribed laws to it, and gave it a King from his own family. It is obvious, that this Act of Session conveyed, no virtual right. Buonaparte might, indeed, issue his manifestoes and decrees, but they could give him no constitutional authority over the country, and the nation was at liberty to choose the best means of redress which her situation placed within her reach. She did, indeed, all that could be done, and more, perhaps, than she could reasonably anticipate, considering the extraordinary circumstances in which she was placed. Deprived of a central Government, the Provinces rose separately in arms, and formed themselves under the direction of Juntos. These partial insurrections leagued with each other by degrees; the juntos were brought to act in unison with each other, and the federal system united

once more the various countries which the dethronement of the Monarch had at first separated. In this critical situation, the juntos formed the virtual

Government. Created by the will of the people, they were guided in all their acts by that spirit which became the Spanish nation at the moment, and were the sole organ by which this spirit was directed in its career.

This natural spirit, by which they were actuated, made them instinctively perceive the necessity of forming a centre of action or of government, instead of that which had been subverted by usurpation; but in order that this centre of action might preserve the real spirit of its institution, they resolved, that it should be composed of deputies from the juntos of the different provinces, who, by a generous sacrifice, divested themselves of their power the moment they had established a national Government. The new Government, however, was merely provisional, and bound to pre pare the Convocation of the Cortes, who alone could establish a fixed order of things.

The central junto, composed of thirty six deputies of the provincial juntos, re united in 1808, at Aranjuez, in the midst of the invasion. Faithful to the discharge of its duties, though driven from town to town, it directed all its attention to the Convocation of the Cortes; but as imperious circumstances required the utmost promptitude in all measures connected with the public safety, it substituted a Regency, composed of five members, who were better qualified for assuming the sole direction of things in such a critical emergency. The Regency did not yield in patriotism to its founders, and when driven to the very extremity of the kingdom, into the Isle of Leon, they convened, in 1810, the Cortes, general and extraordinary. The provinces which still remained free hastened to send their deputies to Leon; those which were under the lash of the invader, unanimously appointed the representa tives, the moment they were freed from the yoke.

In 1811, the Cortes held their general sessions at Cadiz, with the sole object of establishing a new Government for Spain. This constituent assembly presented, indeed, an august spectacle, deliberating with the wisdom and undisturbed calmness of an ancient senate, on all the articles of the new Constitution, while the bombs of the enemy were flying over their heads. Deeply impressed with the obligation imposed upon them, of consulting not only for the public welfare of their contemporaries, but also for that of posterity, they formed that constitutional code,

celebrated under the name of the Constitution of the Cortes of Cadiz.

All the Sovereigns of Europe, who were not obliged to yield to the influence of Buonaparte, immediatety recognized the Constitution of the Cortes. Of this number were,-the Infant of Portugal, and the Kings of England, Prussia, and Sweden. The Emperor of Russia expressly declared, in the third article of the treaty of Weliki-Louki, that he recognized the legitimacy of the Cortes, general and extraordinary, as well as the Constitution, decreed and sanctioned by that assembly.

Established and sanctioned by the legitimate representatives of the Spanish nation, accepted by the people and recognized as a constitutional act by foreign powers, the constitution of 1812 was obligatory throughout all Spain. The King returned to Spain with an intention, as it appeared, of accepting the present constitution; but being imposed upon by intrigue, he engaged in promoting the purposes of a party. This anti-national intrigue caused Spain to groan for six years under the despotism of a faction. The King could not possibly emancipate himself from the circle which this servile faction had drawn around him at Valencia. Whoever he consulted informed him that Spain sighed after the establishment of the ancient government. The faction, however, laboured under some disquietude from the disposition of the army, until General Elio was gained over to their designs. From this moment they openly avowed their audacity; troops were sent to the capital to disperse the Cortes and arrest the liberals. The decree, ordering the subversion of the constitution, was signed and promulgated; and all the servile deputies hurried to sign a protestation against the Cortes, the moment they ascertained that this act of baseness would procure them pensions, places and honorary distinction. The measures of despotism thenceforth advanced with such rapidity, that the liberals, far from being able to oppose the violence of its career, only thought of saving their own lives; but the greater part of them were, notwithstanding, seized and thrown into prison-All these circumstances are related with great fidelity in matters of fact, and impartiality in matters of opinion, by the author of this work; and he successfully combats and disproves the objection generally urged against the constitutional validity of the acts of the Cortes, namely:-that they acted under the influence of English counsels.

Histoire Critique et Militaire des Guerres de la Révolution :-Critical and Military History of the Wars of the Revolution. By General Jomini, Aid-de-Camp of the Emperor of of Russia. Part I. 6 vols. 8vo. with an Atlas. Paris. 65 francs.

This is the completest work ever offered to the public on the subject of a struggle, which will ever present a bold and prominent feature in the annals of history. The author, indeed, has taken a most extensive scope in designing the plan of his history; for the part already published, though it contains six volumes, is confined to the campaigns of 1792, 1793, and 1794.

The author might properly prefix to this work the expression which the Roman poet put into the mouth of his hero,

quæque ipse miserrima vidi

Et quorum pars magna fui;

for he has evidently engaged in the work as a person strongly interested in every thing he relates. He is always full of his subject, and always describes as a real actor, not as a philosophic observer. His thoughts are bold, and not biassed by any influence but that of truth; yet the ardour of his imagination seems to have led him beyond the rigid limits which the severer laws of historical writing allow. It is the business of the historian to proceed immediately to his object, and never to wander from the direct course into the smiling retreats and captivating bowers, which the arts and sciences, the representations of fancy, and the creations of poetry, have scattered around it. More skilled in the science of the sword than in that of the pen, he has not attained that happy art which knows how to concentrate profound ideas, and to throw them into that concise and picturesque form which gives them energy and splendour in an equal degree. He also wants the rapid simplicity, the imperatoria brevitas of Cæsar, in his commentaries, and of Bonaparte in his instructions;-a rapidity so suitable to the language of a general who gives an account of his military labours. It must not, however, be denied, that though he is far from having attained the elegance and simplicity of the models which have been left us by the ancients, though he is seldom chastely classical in his style, he possesses, notwithstanding, some qualities that must greatly recommend him to public no

tice. He is dignified and noble in the recital of events, animated in the descriptions of military evolutions and engagements, and luminous in his descriptions of the plans and manœuvres of a campaign.

The critical and military history of General Jomini is not merely a recital of operations carried on by stratagem. The author has evidently felt, that the success of battles has a necessary connexion with the progress of political events; and he endeavours to make us feel the existence of this connexion during the campaigns of which he treats, and even during the period which immediately preceded it. His political views are, in general, comprehensive and profound, two qualities which particularly designate the author's talent. The opinions which he advances on the motives of action, and the events to which they gave rise, are proofs of great wisdom and impartiality.

We dwell upon these evidences of merit, feeling as we do, that they are qualities which are rarely met with in those, who treat of the important events of the French Revolution.

De la Revolution Piedmontaise, &c. Of the Revolution of Piedmont, Second edition, revised, corrected, and enlarged, by an Analysis of the Sicilian Constitution. 1 vol. 8vo. Paris, 1822.

This work, the first edition of which was sold in eight days, is attributed to the Count de Santa Rosa, minister of war at Piedmont, during the revolution of 1821. This historic document is the more valuable as the author treats in it of many persons who were opposed to him in the ranks of war, with a degree of frankness and impartiality which is seldom met with in those who attach themselves to a party, and particularly to a party that suffers under oppression.

Voyage en Sicile, fait en 1820, et 1821, &c. :-Travels through Sicily, in 1821, By Augustus de Sayve. 3 vols. 8vo. 18 francs. Paris. 1822.

The travels of M. Sayve is only a natural history of the country, its po litics, literature, archaiology, and industry. The first volume, and a considerable portion of the second, is devoted to itinerary. In the second vo lume he treats at some length on the

ancient political organization of Sicily, its constitution in 1813, and the want of stability in its present political state. Some portion of the third volume is bestowed on the sciences in particular, and on the Sicilians who have shed lustre upon them by their works. The work concludes with general observations on volcanos, and a summary of Sicilian history. What appears most interesting in this work is the journey to Mount Etna, and the observations to which it gave rise; and the feeblest parts are, perhaps, the proper history of Sicily itself. His description of Etna, however, is not only characterized by elegance of language, but calculated to inspire us with sublime emotions.

Bracebridge Hall; or, the Humourists. By Geoffrey Crayon, Gent. 2 vols. 8vo. 24s. London, 1822.

We cannot perceive why the explanatory title of "The Humourists" should be superadded to this work, as there is not one humourous character described in it from beginning to end. They are all such characters as are every day met with in the country parts of England, particularly such parts as are most excluded from an intercourse with London, and the principal cities, where the strong and picturesque features of old English manners can seldom be traced through the softer aspect of modern elegance and refinement. There is nothing picturesque or characteristic in refined manners, and, therefore, they are but ill adapted to painting or poetry, because they present no feature sufficiently prominent to attract particular notice.Even if refined manners were painted to the life, there could be little interest excited by the portrait, because all the features so perfectly harmonize with each other, that none of them can command particular attention, as each of them seems to possess an equal claim to

our regard. There is nothing principal, nothing secondary, and they all present themselves as a perfect whole. As a marked countenance is much easier painted than a beautiful face, so are rustic and vulgar much easier painted than elegant manners. But though the manners of a clown or a country gentleman may appear sufficiently awkward and ridiculous to us, we consider neither of them as a humourist, nor do they appear so to each other. But while we object to the title, we are far from quarrelling with the execution of the work before us. To deny its merits, would be to acknowledge ourselves devoid of all taste and feeling. The characters described in "Bracebridge Hall" present us with the most beautiful, and, at the same time, with the most faithful models of primitive English manners, judging of them from the remains which are still among us, and which, in many parts of England, may not become extinct for centuries to come. The author has sketched his portrait of these manners from the inmates of "Bracebridge Hall," its occasional visitors, and the neighbouring inhabitants, and we have no hesitation in saying, that he has fully supported