of a German, from the Imperial Master, downwards to the meanest soldier in the ranks of the garrison, is an object of dislike to the people of the Milanese, I should not be far off the truth. And yet there is, historically speaking, nothing new in the circumstance of this fine country being under the dominion of foreigners. In the 17th century, at the period of Evelyn's visit, we find it domineered over by a Spanish Governor. Nor is it the first time that Austria has reckoned this Duchy among her territories. In our days, Revolutionary France gave it nominal independence under the title of "the Cisalpine Republic;" and the Conqueror of Europe soon afterwards took from it even the shadow of freedom, when he formed his "Kingdom of Italy.”

Buonaparte saw in ecclesiastical tyranny a mortal foe to those efforts of human energy which he looked to for success; and, being no conscience-made coward, nor yet endowed with true courage, he "scotched the snake, not killed it." In state despotism, on the other hand, he recognised a spirit more congenial with his own disposition, an agent better adapted to the furtherance of his designs; and he cherished it with a fondness that grew with the growth, and ceased only at the extinction, of his power. When therefore we are reminded of what the Emperor of the French did for Northern Italy, in amending her laws, encouraging her arts, embellishing her towns, facilitating her communications, and giving a stimulus to the activity of her people, let us do justice to those wise, vigorous, and salutary acts of his reign. But let us at the same time recollect, that by his open hostility to constitutional freedom, by his systematic persecution of all such, within his reach, as dared to assert a

claim even to literary independence, this vaunted friend of toleration in religion proved himself a genuine bigot in politics. When we are told of the privileges which he extended to the Protestants of Piedmont, let us acknowledge that the boon was not less valuable than the objects on which it was bestowed were meritorious-nay more, that it was a gift whose redeeming worth deserves the more highly to be prized, inasmuch as nothing but the memory of the blessing now remains to be contrasted with the ungrateful conduct of the restored Monarch, in adopting the odious measure of its revocation. But erroneous indeed would be our conclusions respecting the motives of Napoleon in this particular instance, were we to forget those violations of good faith, that disregard of humanity, that contempt of generous, manly principle, by which he shewed himself an enemy to peace, to liberty, and to the progress of the human mind.*

The most enthusiastic friend to the cause of Liberalism (I use not the term here in ridicule or reproach, but rather in sympathy and respect) will hardly dispute the fact that Napoleon made but a brilliant cat's-paw of his Italian army. His triumphant chariot, smoothly gliding along the pavement of Milan, beamed with a brightness before the eyes of its inhabitants that rendered them blind to the consequences of its extended career. The wheedling language of the Corsican was equally well calculated to render

⚫ It were hardly requisite to do more than peruse Madame De Stael's Preface to her work on Germany, and "the Dispatches and Letters to Napoleon intercepted by the Allies,” (both published by Murray in 1813 and 1814), in order to be convinced that the Censorship and Espionage practised by the Ex-Imperial Ministry of Police were not less hostile to the interests of Literature, and the cause of Civil Liberty, than the prohibitions of the Papal " Index,” or the proceedings of the Inquisition.

them forgetful of the treachery that had deprived them of promised liberty, by seducing them into day-dreams of future national greatness. But when at length the farflowing tide of victory rolled back in overwhelming billows of disaster and ruin upon the vast unstable work of insatiate ambition-the people of these plains learned more correctly to understand the nature of French connection; and they lamented as deeply, if not as loudly,' as the rest of "the Empire," the impoverishment of their internal resources, and the horrors of the conscription.

It was then, whilst the lesson of dearly purchased experience yet remained strongly impressed on men's minds, that the most favourable opportunity appears to have offered itself to Francis the Second for converting the rights of conquest, or more properly speaking the cessions of diplomacy, into bonds of mutual confidence and pledges of reciprocal attachment between himself and his Italian States. But, to judge from outward and visible signs, the Austrian rules too much on the unconciliating plan of military occupation, a country eminently distinguished for the refinements of civilization, the high-bred courtesies of social life, the manifestations of genius, the results of science, and the productions of art.

It certainly redounds not to the credit of the Emperor's government that, after ten years' undisturbed possession, it should evince less confidence than that of Napoleon did in the fidelity of the people; that this LombardoVenetian kingdom should continue to be treated much after the fashion of a conquered province; that Germans should engross its chief offices, both secular and ecclesiastical; and that no steps should be taken towards the creation of a native army. Such a system it must be owned

is at variance with the spirit of an improving age: it is moreover calculated to gall the feelings of a numerous class, whose mental character was largely developed amidst the changeful series of revolutionary events; and whose military pride was highly flattered under the personal direction of their late warlike ruler.

If this part however of the Emperor's proceedings be founded, as I cannot but regard it, on a dark and doubtful policy, there is still a favourable point of view in which his administration may be contemplated. I allude to the promotion of plans for public benefit and advantage, as exemplified not only in the construction and reparation of useful works, but also in encouragement given to the introduction of new manufacturing establishments, and in facilities generally afforded to the increase of commercial enterprise and the employment of an industrious population. The superiority of the Milanese in these respects over Piedmont is very visible; it displays itself both in town and country, as well in the neater and more comfortable look of the dwellings, as in better clothed, and apparently better fed inhabitants. We are told by the Buonapartists that these are the fruits of the French règime. Be it so. But the territory of which Turin is the capital was no less under the immediate controul of France than was the Duchy of Milan. And at least it may be imputed for a merit, to the Austrian Sovereign, that (instead of requiring them to fight his battles as Napoleon did) he leaves his Italian subjects under a pacific system, to follow up advantages which have sprung from the regulations of his highly-talented but restless predecessor.

Politicians of a certain bias are fond of contending that

such districts as those of Genoa, Venice, and Milan should be moulded again into the form of independent commonwealths; and England herself has been censured "in good set terms," as an abettor of the servile system, for having allowed them to be severally appended to larger monarchies. The "cantoning out (as Addison expresses it) of mighty empires into petty states and principalities," would doubtless be very desirable for the great mass of the population, provided any effectual means could be devised to secure their independence from being undermined by the secret intrigues, or destroyed by the open violence, of their more powerful neighbours. But after what has been witnessed, especially within the last thirty years, of the proceedings of corrupt factions in small republics; of their narrow-minded jealousy and distrust of each other; some selling their birth-rights for a mess of pottage, others pertinaciously discussing domestic grievances while the enemy was at their gates-I own it does not make me less satisfied with the part which my country has taken, to know that her ministers, most anxious for the establishment and perpetuation of universal peace, declined supporting the revival of claims which had long ago been abandoned without a struggle; and that they preferred strengthening the hands of her allies to placing too ready instruments within reach of her foes.

There are those also who blame the Emperor for not having given a constitution to the Lombards and Venetians. In my mind this circumstance produces neither surprise nor regret. I should indeed have been astonished if Francis had done that for his Italian territories which he seems so far from contemplating in favour of his hereditary dominions. And, after all, it is the creed of