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although neither so senselessly cruel por so jufamously injurious, as that of the Directory, was equally insolent, treacherous, and liberticidal. Such I believe is the opi- nion entertained by most of my countrymen : such at least is my own. Can we indeed look back upon the mournful, the tragic picture, which presents a brave and highminded race of men, in the deplorable state of delusion into which the Swiss, at the period of 1797 and 1798, fell with respect to the designs of France on their freedom, independence, and honour; can we peruse that too afflicting page of their modern history, which exhibits their national virtues—their pride, patriotism, unanimity, and mutual fidelity-giving way, in an awful and an evil hour, to internal jealousies, to local prejudices, to divided councils, to public mistrust and private disseusion; can we revert to such proceedings at such a crisis ; can we mark their fatal consequences in the surrender of Berne, as well as in the frightful details of the war in the smaller Cantons, and entertain a single moment's doubt that the horror and indignation, which swell our own bosoms, as sympathising friends, must be felt with an infinitely keener pang by every “ child of Tell,” by every true son and daughter of Helvetia ?

Admitting that the Bernese Aristocracy, like the government of other cities, possessed privileges too great and too

singularly strong confirmation in the Memoirs of Fouché, who, relating the particulars of his conference, as one of the Commissioners appointed to meet the Deputations of the different Swiss Cantons, in the autumn of 1802, says, “Under a geographical as well as a military point of view, the political situation of Switzerland was the more likely to engage the First Consul's attention, as he had not a little contributed, after the Peace of Campo Formio, to induce the Directory to invade and occupy it with troops." Vol. 1, p. 249.

exclusive ; admitting that its conduct was occasionally too austere and overbearing ; that it exercised its ascendancy, long ago acquired, over the inhabitants of the Paysde-Vaud, with too little regard for their just claims to constitutional independence; yet it always maintained the reputation of administering justice uprightly; and we scarcely need observe, that its yoke was easy compared with that of your perfidious allies and their remorseless invaders, the revolutionary French. Acknowledging that Berne comported herself towards you with too baughty and uncompromising a spirit, are we not fortified with good historical evidence, in regarding the insurrection of the Brule-papiers more as the pernicious fruit of Gallic agency than as the necessary result of Bernese oppression? And if (as Madame de Staël* observes), “ the emigrants were blamed for uniting themselves to foreigners against France, should not the same principle be applied to the Swiss, who invoked the terrible assistance of the French ? Besides, was it by force that any improvement was to be effected in the condition of a country accustomed to acknowledge only the slow and progressive operation of time?”

As to what was called Buonaparte's mediation in the internal affairs of Switzerland, it was the act of a dictator-of a military master. He relied, as the Directory had done before him, on the support of a party among

• That wonder of her sex and ornament of her age, in a conference with Buonaparte, deprecated, but in vain, the entrance of the French troops into the Pays-de-Vaud, “ representing to him that the Vaudois were perfectly free in every civil relation, and that when liberty exists in fact, it is unnecessary, for the sake of abstract right, to expose ourselves to the greatest of misfortunes, that of seeing foreigners in our native land.” Considerations on the French Revolution, vol. 2, p. 208.

the natives—a party which bad the advantage of being countenanced by many respectable names, but wbich, with domestic liberty for its avowed object, did not scruple to accept external aid as one of the means of attaining that object. It was the memorable year of the Peace of Amiens, that the First Consul chose, to offer his tranquillizing services to the Diets; to reason down their differences with each other at the point of French bayonets; and to treat the cantons then confederated (whether wisely or unwisely, yet honestly and inoffensively), for recovery of their ancient laws and government, as a conquered people. The mediative act turned out to be no other than a consular commission appointed to sit at Paris, in conference with the Swiss Delegates, Unionists and Federalists,* whose conflicting hopes and interests, after a brief interchange of opinions and propositions (just to keep up the farce of a deliberative assembly, whilst the inevitable rupture with England was rapidly approaching), were disappointed and set aside by a federative compact, brought to the Deputation, cut and dry, from the Cabinet of the Thuilleries.

“ The Swiss were torn to pieces by two opposite factions : viz. the Unionists, or democratic party, which desired a Republic one and indivivisible; and the Federalist party, or the men of the old aristocracy, who demanded the ancient institutions. The Unionist party was engendered by the French Revolution; the other was that of the ancient regime. And it leant secretly towards Austria. Between these two factions, the moderate or neutral party balanced. Abandoned to themselves, during 1802, the Unionists and Federalists came to violent disputes and civil war by turns, secretly encouraged by the French Minister Vernignac in conformity with the instructions of the Cabinet of the Thuilleries, the policy of which tended to a denouement calculated with art, and on that account inevitable. The Federalist party having got the upper hand, the Unionists threw themselves into the arms of France. This was what the First Consul expected.”- Fouché's Memoirs, p. 249.

It would appear however that the change thus made in the civil institutions of Switzerland rendered them more conformable to the wants of the inhabitants. Indeed, considering the peculiar disposition of Napoleon, and the general practice of the French Government in interfering with the concerns of European States, it is but fair to admit that power and influence on that occasion, though despotically asserted, was moderately and in some respects amelioratively used. And could we forget the peaceful dignity that adorned, the simple policy that governed, and the spirited jealousy that animated, its ancient character, we might say that Switzerland, even at the epocha of 1803, was a fortunate, as, speaking by comparison with others, she certainly was a favoured country. But neither peace nor liberty nor happiness; neither national honour nor constitutional independence could be boasted of as the portion of the Pays-de Vaud, or of any other district of Switzerland, until “ the Military Jacobinism” of France, with its child and champion, was overthrown; and a general system of pacification bad placed the Helvetic Body, with fresh accessions to their confederated strength, in permanent and secure possession of adequate means for consolidating their collective interests and for promoting their individual prosperity. Then, and not till then, in reference to the civil rights and the national condition of the Swiss, could we rationally and satisfactorily exclaim

“Hail, sacred Polity, by Freedom rear'd;
“Hail, sacred Freedom when by Law restrain'd!
“Without you what were man?”



Morning ride from Yverdun to Payerne-Canton and City of

Fribourg—“Our Lady of the RosaryThe Linden TreeConvent of the Visitation-Monastery of the Capuchins-Nuns of St. UrsulaThe Avoyer or Chief Magistrate--Church and College of the JesuitsCabinet of Natural History-Inscription from Young's “Night Thoughts”-Observations on the suppression and re-establishment of the Order of JesuitsSnails, an article of foodThe Cathedral-La Chambre secrète-Chapel of Notre Dame de Loretto-Gate of BourgillonRemarkable situation and scenery of Fribourg-Projected improvement in its communicationsCostume of the Canton.

from Young'oe Jesuiten Camor Chief

AT five this morning (August 7th) we were on our way towards Fribourg. The road almost immediately ascending the heights on the eastern side of the Lake of Neuchatel, afforded us a superb prospect, in which the neat town of Yverdun, forms a diminutive yet a very pleasing object. From the village of Chesaux we had a commanding though distant view of Granson, situated on the opposite bank, and also of the extensive plains behind the town, where in 1476 tbat brave, able, and enterprising, but cruel and treacherous Prince, Charles, surnamed the Bold, first learnt what it was to flee before a warlike enemy, and where the Swiss gained a victory not less complete than that of Morat which they achieved shortly afterwards.* There are perhaps few historic

* “Just previous to the battle of Granson, the Swiss prostrated themselves before God; their cruel enemies thought that they were about to

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