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18 00

48 23

70 00

1,067 02

Total Contributions...... $1,862 61

FOR REPOSITORY. NEW HAMPSHIRE.-By Dea. S. Tracy-Rindge-S. L. Wilder, to March, '46, $1 50. Peterboro'--H. F. Cogswell, Rev. A. Abbot, Rev. C. Cutler, and Gov. Steel, each $1 50, Mark Wilder, to date, $1, Reuben Washburn, to Sept., 1846, $150. New Ipswich Mrs. Wm. Ainsworth, for '44 & 45, $3, E. Brown, for '45, $150. Hollis-Cha's Whiting, for '45, $150. Nashua-T. W. Gilliss, Stephen Kendrick, Dr. M. Eldridge, John Crombie, each $1 50, Ziba Gray, to date, $1 12. Amherst-Dr. M. Spaulding and B. B. David, for '45, each $150. Francestown-Mrs. Ann Fuller, to July, '46, $2, M. W. Eaton, Hon. E. Brown, each $1 50, for '45. DeeringRussell Tubbs, Esq., to July, '46, $1 50. Hillsboro' BridgeRev. J. Cummings, to Sept., '46, $150. Merimack-Robert McGaw, to Oct., '46, $3. Bedford-Dea. S. McQueston, to May, '46, $1 50. GoffstownRev. J. Willey, for '45, $1 50. West Boscowan-Rev. Edward Buxton, to Jan., '46, $2. Franklin-C. Garland, to Sept., '46, $150. Gilmantown-Morrill Shepherd, to Sept., 46, $1 50. Concord-N. H. Asylum for the Insane, to Sept., '46, $1 50. Bristol-J. C. Bartlett, to Sept., '46, $1 50. VERMONT.-West Rutland-Rev. A. Walker, and Pratt & Morgan, Manchester-J. each $1 50.

Burton, to Oct., '46, $1 50.
Bennington-Wm. Haswell, to

Oct., '46, $1 50, Rev. J. J. Abbott, to Jan., '47, $1 50. Castleton-W. B. Colburn, Dea. E. Merrill, H. Griswold, Silas Hawkins, each $1 50. Pittsford-Hon. T. Hammond, to Oct., '46, $150. BrandonDavenport & Warren, to July, '46, $1 50. Royalton-Dea. Bates, to June, 46, $1 50. Westminster West-Mrs. A. Hallot, to June, '46, $1 50.... VIRGINIA. Clarksburg-M. Elfecher....

3 00 KENTUCKY.-Covington-W. Ernst, to June, '45, $2 25, P. S. Bush, to Sept., '45, $1 50. Burlington-J. M. Preston, to Jan., 46, $7. May's LickW. Hodge, to Sept., '44, $9 12. Bloomfield-Dr. J. Bemiss, in full, $3. ОнIо.-Bу C. W. James-Oxford-D. Christy, on account, $5. Andover-J. F. Whetmore, on account, $5. Marion-H. Peters, to 1st Jan., '43, $250. Cincinnati-D. K. Esta, $5 50, Thos. G. Gaylord, $11 50, Augustus Moore, to Jan., '47, $4 50, O. Fifield, to Jan., '46, $2, H. Rockey, to April, '46, $6, J. W. Shepherd, to Jan., '46, $6, G. H. Hill, to Sept., 246, $6, S. P. Bishop, to Jan., '46, $2. Dayton-E. Edminson, to July, '45, $3. XeniaW. Roberts, on account, $2. Columbus-J. Ridgway, to Jan., '46, $2, J. W. Espee, to Jan., '46, $3 50, R. Neil, to Jan., '46, $2. Wooster-L. Cox, $2 50. Hudson-C. Pitkin, on account, $5. Ohio City-R. Lord, to Jan., '46, $6. Nelson-J. G. Stevens, to Jan., '46, $6. Painsville-J. A. Tracy, to Aug., '45, $7 16. MedinaD. King, to Jan., '46, $4. Ashland L. Andrews, to Jan., '46, $5 50. Union-D. H. Bishop, $3.. ILLINOIS.-By Rev. J. B. CristMount Pulaski-Jabez Capps.. MISSOURI.-By C. W. James-St. Louis-J. Spaulding, to Jan., '46, $6, A. Gamble, in full, $5, Dr. F. Knox, to Jan., '46, $5, A. L. Mills, in full, $10,Jos. Powell, to Jan., '46, $12, Dr. H. L. Hoffman, for '43 and '44, $4...

48 12

Total Repository.. Total Contributions..

Aggregate Amount.

19 50

5 00

22 87

107 66

4.00

42 00

249 15 1,862 61

$2,111 76

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Dr. Hodgkin's Letters on the Independence of Liberia.

9, LOWER BROOK STREET, London, 16-9-1845. To the Secretary of the Am. Col. Society: RESPECTED FRIEND :-As one of the earliest friends of the American Colonization Society in this country —as an admirer of the activity and benevolence of its founders-as a contributor to its funds, and as its advocate and apologist in this country, where, through mistaken opinions instilled by its adversaries on your side of the Atlantic, it has by some been ungenerously and unfairly opposed, I trust I may be allowed to offer a few observations respecting a recent occurrence which has caused me considerable pain-I mean the affair of the seizure of the colonial schooner, John Seys. This untoward circumstance must not be contemplated as an isolated fact, but must be considered in connexion with occurrences antecedent and subsequent to it.

It cannot fail to be a cause of great regret when serious misunderstandings and evils have long been threatening, that the equally obvious means of preventing them have been neglected. Yet such, I am sorry to say, has been most remarkably the

case in regard to the unhappy affair
to which I am now alluding. I have
myself observed with much anxiety
the singular and anomalous position
in which the youthful Republic of
Liberia has been allowed to remain;
and although it seemed scarcely pos-
sible that the peculiarity of its posi-
tion and the danger to which it was
exposed, could have escaped the per-
ception and attention of many much
more intimately connected with the
affairs of Liberia than myself, I could
not refrain from again and again
pointing it out, and not merely sug-
gesting the mode in which the dan-
ger might be removed, but offering
my humble, yet-as I believe it might
have been-my effectual assistance
in carrying it out. Having corres-
pondence not only among the mem-
bers of the Colonization Society in
America but also in Liberia, I have
written to both, to urge the import-
ance of taking early steps to obtain
from the British Government the re-
cognition of Liberia as a State. I
offered a home to the Liberian dele-
gate to this country, and undertook
to introduce him to parties likely to
promote the object of his mission.
I am not aware that any notice has

been taken of my suggestion, or that || well as numerous vessels on the any measures, emanating from them- coast, has brought upon themselves selves, have been contemplated eith- the untoward circumstance which er in the Liberian government, or at has been complained of. In the five the Managers' Board. When some and twenty years in which I have unpleasant circumstances took place been interested in Liberia, I have not in consequence of the anomalous po- known a single instance of a Libesition of the Republic, though far less rian visiting this country, with the serious than the event which has exception of H. Teague, who some just happened, I did not hesitate to years since spent a few days at communicate with your late excel- Liverpool, where he was ill nearly lent minister, Ed. Everett, respect- the whole of the time. I have mying them. The fact that he did not self received very interesting comfeel himself at liberty to take any munications from the late excellent official notice of them, but could Governor Buchanan, and others from merely make them the subject of a Judge Benedict; and it is not impassing private conversation, only probable that some other corresponconfirms the opinion which I had dence has taken place between Liformed, and the importance of the berians and British subjects. The step which I had suggested. I am evidence of mutual friendship and now most solicitous that the citizens regard have been furnished both by of Liberia, with their allies in Africa Liberian citizens and British naval and my fellow members of the Colo- officers. In the infancy of the setnization Society, and their friends in tlement, some of the latter jeoparded America, should take an expanded and sacrificed their lives in defendand comprehensive view of the par- ing the colony against the then suticular position of Liberia, and of the perior strength of its savage neightendencies and consequences of the bors. Many years have, notwithomission which I deplore, rather than standing, been allowed to elapse by a limited view and the exposition without the colony taking a single of isolated facts, excite and exaspe- official step to make even its existrate those feelings of animosity which, ence known to the heads of the whilst they are painful in themselves, British Government, although it must may lead to very serious results in have been notorious in Liberia, that their immediate and distants effects. the regulations and restrictions which I feel so fully persuaded of the good she was establishing as a nation, insense of the Governor of Liberia as terfered with the practice of British well as of the members of the Colo- traders, as it had been in existence nization Society, and so convinced from time immemorial. The circumof the keen perception of what is due stances in which such a state of to national privilege which exists things places a British officer, who amongst your citizens in general, may be cruising on the coast of Afthat I cannot doubt the conclusion to rica, are very peculiar. If the capwhich a sufficiently extended view tain of a British merchant vessel, a of the subject must lead both in Afri- recognized British subject, complain ca and in America, viz: that entire of the annoyance and loss to which neglect on the part of the Liberians he has been subjected, the officer to take any step to obtain the recog- must expose himself to the censure nition of their existence on the part of his countrymen and his superiors, of a nation, which, like England, if he fail to afford that protection to has possessions in the vicinity, as the British flag which it is his offi

ciety,

THOMAS HODGKIN.

To Wм. MCLAIN,
Sec. of the Am. Col. Soc'y,
Washington, U. S.

9, LOWER BROOK STREET,

London, 29-9-1845.

355 cial duty to render, provided that he || the subject under the favorable atcannot show that the complaining tention of the Foreign Office, where parties were themselves in the wrong. I have no doubt that all reasonable This he has hitherto been unable to consideration will be given to it. do, as the necessary consequence of I am, thy respectful friend and felthe laches of the Liberians them-low member of the Colonization Soselves, for here the maxim of the lawyers is peculiarly applicable:De non apparentibus et de non existentibus eadem est lex. But it seems that, notwithstanding this omission on the part of Liberia, indirect and unofficial information respecting it has reached the British Government, by which its sympathies and interest have been excited towards the colony. This may in part have been the result of Ed. Everett's private communication. But independently of this, I know that Liberia has had influential friends in this country, and I cannot but regard the official communication of Capt. Jones as an evidence of the efficiency of that influence, and whatever may be the interpretation put upon it, I would unhesitatingly appeal to any impartial reader, whether it is not dictated in the spirit of forbearance and kindness as well as of justice, whilst I cannot refrain from saying that even to myself, a friend of peace, and the strenuous advocate as well as an admirer of Liberia-there is something peculiarly offensive in the language in which the Liberians have thought fit to indulge, instead of profiting by the gentle hint to correct their long-standing omission.

Had I yielded to impulse, I should have written a request, that my name might be erased from your list of members, that I might not be recognized as the associate of those who foment feelings of hostility to my country; but I preferred an opposite course, and in the hope that time and reflection would enable not the Liberians only, but also some of their friends in America, to perceive their mistake, I have taken steps to bring

ESTEEMED FRIEND:-In my letter of the 16th instant, which I lost the opportunity of sending by the last packet, I confined myself to one subject, my object being to prevent the growing feeling of hostility towards England, which is springing up in Liberia, in consequence of a palpable omission on her part. When that omission is supplied, she will doubtless have the full and undisturbed right to impose customs, and other dues, at her own discretion. I wrote my former letter in the united character of an Englishman, and of a warm and sincere friend of Liberia. What I am now about to offer, is dictated solely in the latter character, though I think it is sustained by cosmopolite principles.

Though I have urged the measure which may enable the Republic to raise a revenue from vessels visiting her ports, I feel that she will stand in the way of her own interest by doing so. In common with my friends of the Colonization Society, I have looked forward to the great and prosperous extension of the Republic. This will probably be effected more by the annexation of native tribes, than by the influx of American emigrants, even should the resources of the Colonization Society be more in proportion to its merits than they are at present. Principle

has not the advantage of a mighty stream, navigable from the interior of the continent, yet whilst such streams are nearly closed by their pestilential deltas, like the Niger, or by foreign regulation, like the Senegal and the Gaboon, which are held by the French, the new roads of the Republic need scarcely fear their competition, as they must become the favorite channels for land carriage. An almost unlimited influx of goods and capital may take place, and the prosperous trade of a free port, and the increasing wealth of the adjoining territory, would abundant

customs. On the other hand, this
prosperity must advance but slowly,
or be wholly obstructed, if the mea-
sures taken by the colony are such as
to throw her ports out of favor with
the trading vessels, the captains of
which will unscrupulously encourage
a contraband traffic, even when the
Republic is recognized, and her right
to exact duties fully acknowledged.
I am, thy respectful friend,
THOMAS HODGKIN.

and experience unite to teach the lesson that, the annexation of the native tribes, their allegiance to the Government, and their obedience to its laws, will be impeded by any restrictions which interfere with their past freedom of trade. The example of New Zealand, in which the success of British colonization in a fine field has been greatly marred, is one of the strongest illustrations which can be adduced in support of the view which I am taking. Captain Fitzroy found it necessary to repeal the customs in order to pacify the natives; and a colonist informs me that the extension of mutually profit-ly compensate for the sacrifice of the able business was prompt and highly gratifying. Other mistakes have complicated that affair, but the principle for which I plead was fully borne out. The extension of Liberian rule along the coast, will be one of the most effectual means of suppressing the slave trade, and the suppression of wealthy slave factories will produce a temporary check to general trade on the neighboring parts of the coast where lawful traders had facilities for selling their goods in exchange for the dollars paid by the slavers. Consequently, whilst it is a matter of justice and policy to let the natives who are abandoning the slave trade, carry on any legitimate commerce which they can substitute for it, the more important ports of the Republic will reap the benefit of throwing off the same restrictions from themselves, seeing that the foreign trader would prefer running into them and finding every accommodation in conjunction with free trade, to the uncertain chances of leaving goods deposited with native traders whose facilities are temporarily diminished. Liberia will thus become, what it ought to be, the mart of African productions in exchange for the manufactured goods of the civilized world; and although the Republic

P. S.. I should like these letters to

appear in the Repository, for the sake of the colony as well as in justice to England, which has not been fairly dealt with.

LONDON, Oct. 3, 1845.

DEAR SIR:-Our excellent and benevolent friend, Dr. Hodgkin, has read to me the enclosed letter to you. I fully concur with him in the importance of having Liberia acknowledged as an independent nation by the respectable nations of the world

the United States, Great Britain, France, &c. Liberia is now in the anomalous situation of being neither a

recognized colony of the American Government, neither is it a free and independent and recognized State. It is only the colony of a society of

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