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be impeached. Subsequent to August 6, the Framers were able to discuss impeachment with a better perspective of the Executive Office. Nevertheless, they did not address the issue until after

a committee draft on September 4 established the final mode of Presidential election and defined "treason and bribery" as impeachable offenses. 2 Farrand 495. This draft established that the Presidential term would be four years and the President eligible for reelection at the end of that period. 2 Farrand 493. The process of election or reelection would be a strong guarantee against maladministration or any other policy or

practice considered inconsistent with the public good. When the

issue was discussed for the last time on September 8 the following debate took place.

Col. Mason. Why is the provision restrained to
Treason & bribery only? Treason as defined in the
Constitution will not reach many great and dangerous
offences. Hastings is not guilty of Treason. Attempts
to subvert the Constitution may not be Treason as
above defined - As bills of attainder which have saved
the British Constitution are forbidden, it is the more
necessary to extend: the power of impeachments. He
movd. to add after "bribery" "or maladministration".
Mr. Gerry seconded him --

-

Mr. Madison So vague a term will be equivalent
to a tenure during pleasure of the Senate.

Mr Govr

Morris, it will not be put in force &
An election of every four years.

can do no harm

will prevent maladministration.

Col. Mason withdrew "maladministration" &
substitutes "other high crimes & misdemeanors"

2 Farrand 550 (emphasis added).

It is evident from the actual debate and from the events

leading up to it that Morris' remark that "An election of every

four years will prevent maladministration," id. expressed the

will of the Convention. Thus, the impeachment provision

adopted was designed to deal exclusively with indictable criminal conduct. The relevant constitutional debates support nothing to the contrary.

One further point should be mentioned. The Convention

rejected all non-criminal definitions of impeachable offenses.

Terms like "mal-practice, "6/ "neglect of duty,
116/
117/ "removeable

by Congress on application by a majority of the executives of the

several states,

1,8 /

and "misconduct "9/ were all considered and

discarded by the Framers. To distort the clear meaning of the

phrase "Treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors"

by including non-indictable conduct would thus most certainly violate

the Framers' intent.

6/1 Farrand 88.

7/ Id.

8/1 Farrand 244.

9/2 Farrand 68-69.

IV.

THE LEGAL MEANING OF THE IMPEACHMENT PROVISION

As shown above, the Framers, in their concern for maintaining the independence of the executive and judiciary, specifically rejected such standards as "maladministration" and other broad concepts in favor of the more limited term "high crime and misdemeanors." They also rejected such a process as "address." Address was an English practice by which an executive or judicial officer could be removed from office by a majority of the legislative branch. Thus, they manifested their intention to narrow the scope

of impeachable offenses.

But is it necessary to look beyond the words "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors," which are so clear and unequivocal in and of themselves? It was stated in the trial of Andrew Johnson by one of his counsel with some effect:

In my apprehension, the teachings, the requirements,
the prohibitions of the Constitution of the United States
prove all that is necessary to be attended to for the
purposes of this trial. I propose, therefore, instead
of a search through the precedents which were made
in the times of the Plantagenets, the Tudors, and the
Stuarts, and which have been repeated since, to
come nearer home and see what provisions of the
Constitution of the United States bear on this question,
and whether they are not sufficient to settle it. If they
are, it is quite immaterial what exists elsewhere.

Rives & Bailey, Proceedings in the Trial of Andrew Johnson
before the United States Senate on Articles of Impeachment
273-274 (Washington, 1868).

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