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during the rest of the life of Greek art. The century and a half of the local schools is significantly the great age of this art.

In the study of each school we have first to determine its character, and then to look in its successive phases for the influence of the great masters of style. Two dangers must be avoided. We must not too sharply divide the sculptors and the painters as if they always were true to the special functions of their arts. It is well to bear in mind that the earliest great painter, Polygnotus, was a portrayer of character, kaλos hoyρádos, neixós, as Aristotle calls him, whereas the latest great sculptors represented expression (rà đáoŋ). Thus since 0os is the special province of sculpture, and rà máŋ of painting, sculpture first weighed down the balance, afterwards painting; but it must be remembered that relief can be truer to painting than sculpture in the round, which is more limited by the conditions of the material and mechanical necessities. Gur second danger is due to the ease with which local qualities may be ascribed to the influence of a leading style. It is also to be borne in mind that the movement of art in coins was during one period slower than in sculpture-hence an influence more general than particular. Pheidias and Myron do not make their mark so much as Polyclitus. In all cases the direct influence of great masters is to be looked for later than their age.

Central
Greece.

| They represent expression, and they treat it as it could not be treated in sculpture in the round, portraying locks streaming in the air and flowing draperies. It must be remembered that, while Hellas produced the great sculptors, western Asia Minor bred the great painters after Polygnotus, himself a sculptor in painting rather than a painter. In the native land of Zeuxis, Parrhasius and Apelles we see the evidence of the rule of painting. The technical skill is inferior to that of the West, yet the skill in modelling is far greater, and has no parallel in the medallic work of any other time or country.

The school of the West, if we except such outlying examples of the art of Hellas as those of Thurium and Terina, has its highest expression in Italy, its most characteristic in Sicily. The West. It has distinctive qualities throughout the age. Even in the earlier period we trace a striving after beauty and a delicacy of finish, with a weakness of purpose, that mark the school with an influence increasing to a time long after the extinction of its rivals. At the same time there is a knowledge of the capacity of the materials and the form of the coin and a masterly power of finish, on the whole a completeness of technical skill which is unequalled. The result in the lower subjects is splendid, if wanting in variety, but in the higher we miss the noble achievements of the greater schools. So far there The school of central Greece in its southern group, comprehend- is a general agreement in the northern and southern groups. ing Attica, is remarkable for its widespread extent. It has its Yet the Italian shows a nobler and simpler style, with some colonies in Magna Graecia at Thurium, an Athenian affinity to that of central Greece, which we look for in vain in foundation, probably at Terina, and in Macedonia at Sicily, though we are dazzled by the rich beauty of the magniAmphipolis and Chalcidice under Athenian rule. It ficent series of coins which marks her wealthiest age. Sicilian alone shows instances comparable to the works of Pheidias, though art has this apparent advantage, that the great cities, save its most numerous fine works are of the age of Polyclitus and Syracuse, perished in the Carthaginian invasion, or under the that of Praxiteles and Scopas. Its qualities may be seen by tyranny of the elder Dionysius. Thus we have no important comparison of the same subjects as treated by the other schools works save of Syracuse during the second half of our period, and and groups. The earliest works are marked more than any cannot judge fully to what this school would have fallen. The others by the qualities of high promise which characterized the key to this exceptional development of Greek art is found in Aeginetan marbles-the same dignified self-restraint and calm the absence of sculptors or painters in the West, except only simplicity. Next we perceive a series strong in style, and Pythagoras of Rhegium at the very beginning of the age, whose showing that lofty dignity, that reposeful embodiment of influence is thought to be traceable on the money of his native character, which are the stamp of the works of Pheidias and his town. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that many of the contemporaries. The subjects are more remarkable for fidelity, Sicilian die-engravers, as Phrygillos (to mention one whose breadth and boldness than for delicacy of execution or elabora-signature is actually found on an intaglio) were gem-engravers. tion of ornament. Every subject is ideal, even the portrayal of animal form. Thus the character shows us what divinity is intended and the ideality what is intended by the representation of beast or bird. From these works we pass to those which reflect the style of the time of Praxiteles and Scopas, when the influence of painting began to be felt, and art inclined towards feeling and descended to sentiment. Still, to the last, character rules these coins, and the chief difference we see is in the increased love of beauty for its own sake and the fondness for representing movement, not to the exclusion of repose, but by its side. In other respects there is little change except in the finer execution and more ornamental quality of the work. Even when the greatest achievement of the Sicilian school, the female head on the decadrachms of Syracuse, is copied by the Locrians and the Messenians, the larger quality of the school of Greece asserts itself, and the copy is better than the original: there is less artifice and more breadth. The northern group is at first ruder, in the age of Pheidias severer, and afterwards it merges into the greater softness of its southern rival. If it copies, as Larissa may copy Syracuse and Neapolis in Campania, it again asserts its superior simplicity, and we prefer the copy to the original.

The Ionian school lacks the sequence which the rest of the Greek world affords. It is broken by the baneful influence of the Persian dominion, and consequently the best works fonia. belong to the earliest and latest part of the period. The earliest coins, of the Aeginetan age, present nothing special; the later, of the time of Praxiteles and Scopas, comprise works not inferior to those of central Greece, and remarkable, like the Western and the Cretan, as the sole records of a school otherwise unknown. They are markedly characterized by the qualities of the style of feeling, that of Praxiteles and Scopas; but more than this, they are the expression of that style in pictorial form. I

The Western art is that of engravers accustomed to minute and decorative work, uninfluenced by sculpture or painting. Their designs will not bear enlargement, which only enhances the charm of those of the other leading schools. Those of the great Syracusan decadrachms are small; those of the minute hectae of Cyzicus are large.

Crete.

The most important of the lesser schools is the Cretan. Crete, retaining the primitive life of older Hellas, was never truly civilized, but to the last enjoyed the privileges and exhibited the faults of an undeveloped condition. Producing in the age of high art neither sculptor nor painter of renown, the Cretans, to judge from their coins, were copyists of nature or art. At first rude, their work acquires excellence in design, but never in execution. While we see their poor reproductions of the designs of the Peloponnesus, we are amazed by their skill in portraying nature. Their gods are seated in trees with a background of foliage. Their bulls are sketched as they wandered in the meadows. All fitness for the mode of relief, as well as for the material and the shape of the coin, is entirely ignored. Hence a delight in foreshortening, and a free choice of subject with no reference to the circle in which it must be figured. In spite, however, of their skill, the Cretans never attempted the three-quarter face, which is at once the best suited to the surface of a coin and the most trying to the skill of the artist. Yet their work is delightfully fresh, as if done in the open air. There is no idealism, but much life and movement. In a word, the school is naturalistic and picturesque. Its works are of the highest value in the study of Greek art, but as examples of the application of that art to coins they are to be used with caution. Nowhere else do we see the artist so freely copying nature and art, nowhere so unshackled by academic rules, nowhere so little aware of the limitation of his province.

Mode of

It is important to study the mode in which Greek money was coined, because the forms of the pieces thus receive explanation, and true coins are discriminated from such modern falsifi cations as have been struck, and in some degree from those Coining. which have been cast. Our direct information on the subject is extremely scanty, but we are enabled by careful inference to obtain a very near approximation to the truth on all the most important points. Of the dies used by the Greeks exceedingly few have been preserved. In the museum at Sofia is an iron die for the reverse of a coin of Philip II. of Macedon; and several Gaulish dies exist. Most ancient dies are of bronze, others of hardened iron or steel. The blanks were, as a rule, first cast, sometimes in a spherical form, sometimes in a form more resembling that assumed by the finished coin. The blank was placed between two dies, the lower, let into an anvil, producing the obverse, the other, let into the end of a bar, producing the reverse. The bar was struck with a hammer, so that the blank received at the same time the impressions of both dies. This general rule was of course often modified; in some parts of the Greek world the dies were hinged together, in others not; and this arrangement of hinging the dies came in at different times in different places. The machinery of striking was probably much elaborated under the Roman empire, but a collar seems never to have been used in ancient times. Greek dies must usually have worn out very quickly; hence an enormous number of slightly varying representations of the same type. But the idea that it is uncommon to find two Greek coins from the same die is exaggerated. A great number of early Italian and Roman, and a few Greek coins, of large size, were cast in moulds, not struck; and under the empire many coins, originally struck, were reproduced, not always fraudulently, by casting; but the genuine ancient coin of small size is, as an almost invariable rule, struck and

not cast.

Greek

the Far West.

We may now pass on to notice the Greek coinage of each country, following Eckhel's arrangement. The series begins with Spain, Gaul and Britain, constituting the only Coinage of great class of barbarous Greek coinage. It must not be supposed that the money of the whole class is of one general character; on the contrary, it has very many divisions, distinguished by marked peculiarities; it has, however, everywhere one common characteristic-its devices are corrupt copies of those of Greek or Roman coins. The earliest of these barbarous coinages begin with the best imitations of the gold and silver money of Philip II. of Macedon. They probably first appeared to the north of his kingdom, but the gold soon spread as far as Gaul, and even found their way into southern Britain, by which time the original types had almost disappeared through successive degradations. Next in order of time are the silver imitations of Roman coins, the victoriati and denarii of the commonwealth, which began in Spain and passed into Gaul, being current with the gold money of Greek origin; even in Britain the later coinage shows much Roman influence. The copper money of Spain follows the imitated silver types; that of Gaul and Britain, though showing Roman influence, is more original.

Side by side with these large coinages we find Greek money of colonies in Gaul and Spain, and a far ampler issue of Phoenician coins by the Carthaginian kings and cities Spain. of the Peninsula. The coinage of Hispania, corresponding to the modern Spain and Portugal, was issued during a period of about four centuries, closing in A.D. 41. There are four classes of money, which in the order of their relative antiquity, are Greek, of two groups, Carthaginian, Romano-Iberian and Latin. The first or older group of Greek money (from before c. 350 B.C.) belongs to the widespread currency, which reveals the maritime power of the Ionians of Phocaea. It consists of fractions of the drachm of the Phocaean standard, from the diobol or third downwards. Its later pieces are of the Phocaean colony of Emporiae, founded by the earlier settlement of Massilia. Next in order and in part contemporary, beginning before the middle of the 3rd century B.C., come the drachms of Emporiae, which betray the influence of Siculo-Punic art. Their standard is probably Carthaginian. Of the neighbouring Rhoda, a Rhodian colony, there is similar money. Carthaginian coins of Spain begin in the same period with the issues of the great colony of Gades, following the same weights as the Emporian drachms. These are followed by the issues of the Barcides from 234 to 210 B.C., with Carthaginian types and of Phoenician weight, struck of six denominations, from the hexadrachm to the hemidrachm. [

Señor Zobel de Zangróniz has classed them to Spain, on the grounds of provenance and the possession of the silver mines by the Barcide kings, against Muller, who attributes them to Africa. The types are Carthaginian, and present some interesting subjects. The true Iberian currency begins not long after the Punic. The later drachms of Emporiae, ultimately following the weight of the contemporary Roman denarius, have Iberian legends, and form the centre of a group of imitations issued by neighbouring native tribes with their distinctive inscriptions. This coinage ceased when the Roman province was formed in 206 B.C. A little before this date the Romans had begun to introduce Latin money; about this time, however, they took the backward step of permitting native coinages of Latin weight. Probably they found that native legends and types were more welcome to their subjects than those of Rome. Consequently this coinage of Spain under the republic, which lasted until 133 B.C., may be almost considered national. The two provinces Hispania Citerior and Hispania Ulterior have this marked difference: the coins of the nearer province, of silver and bronze, have always Iberian inscriptions on the reverse, and are clearly under distinct Roman regulation; those of the farther are apparently of independent origin, and consequently bear Iberian, Phoenician, Libyo-Phoenician and Latin legends, but they are of bronze alone. The interest of these coins lies mainly in their historical and geographical information. They bear the names of tribes, often the same as those of the town of mintage. The art is poor, and lacks the quaint originality and decorative quality of that of Gaul. Ultimately the native money was wholly latinized (133 B.C.), silver was no longer issued, and although the Ulterior continued to have its own coinage, in the Citerior only Emporiae and Saguntum were allowed to strike coins. Political circumstances for a time renewed the coinage under Sertorius (80-72 B.C.) in the modified form of a bilingual currency. The purely Latin issues of the two provinces, and under the empire more largely (from 27 B.C.) of the three, Tarraconensis, Bactica and Lusitania, present little of interest. They closed in the reign of Caligula (A.D. 37-41), though in later times purely Roman money in gold and silver was issued at different times in Hispania down to the establishment of the Visigothic kingdom.

The imperial money of Hispania introduces us to one of the two great classes of provincial coins under the empire; the larger of these was the Greek imperial, bearing Greek inscriptions, the smaller the Roman colonial, with Latin inscriptions, deriving its name from the circumstance that among Greek-speaking nations the coloniae were distinguished by the use of the Latin language on their money. In the coinage of Hispania, issued by a nation adopting Latin for official use, the aspect of the coinage is colonial, though it was not wholly issued by colonies. Many of the Spanish towns belong to the kindred class of municipia; others are neither coloniae nor municipia. In Hispania the obverse of the coin bears, as usual in the colonial class, the head of the emperor or of some imperial personage, the reverse a subject proper to the town. The priest guiding a plough drawn by an ox and a cow is peculiarly proper to a colonia, as portraying the ceremony of describing the walls of the city, so also an ox, with the same reference, the altar of the imperial founder, or, as connected with his cultus, a temple, probably in some cases that of Roma and Augustus. Other types, however, portray the old temples in restored Roman shapes, or indicate directly by fishes, ears of corn and more rarely bunches of grapes, the products of the country. Some original and grotesque types have a markedly local character. The money. of Augusta Emerita (Merida) in Lusitania, a colony of pensioners (emiriti), is specially interesting, including as it does the silver issues of P. Carisius, the legatus of Augustus.

The coinage commonly called that of Gaul belongs to the people more properly than to the country, for it comprehends pieces issued by the Gauls or other barbarians from the The borders of Macedonia and Illyricum to the English Channel and the Bay of Biscay, through Pannonia, part of Germany, Helvetia and Gaul. It influenced the money of northern Italy, and, crossing the Channel, produced that of

Gauls.

Britain, which has its own distinctive features. Four classes of coinage are found in these vast limits. Arranging them by date, they are the money of the Greek colony of Massilia and her dependencies, that of the Gauls and other barbarians of central and western Europe, that which can be classed to the tribes and chiefs of Gaul and the imperial coinage of that country. The coins of the Gauls and other barbarians outside Gallia include the gold coins known as "rainbow cups" (Regenbogenschüsselchen), | which seem to have been an original currency of the tribes inhabiting the Bohemian and Bavarian districts, and other gold and silver coins (the later series bearing names in Latin characters) which circulated in Noricum, Pannonia, Helvetia, Upper Germany, &c.

The great mart of Massilia (Marseilles), founded about 600 B.C. by the Phocaeans, was the centre of the Greek settlements of Gaul Massilia. and northern Spain. Emporiae was her colony, with other nearer towns of inferior fame. Yet Massilia always held the first place, as is proved by the abundance of her money. At first it consisted of Phocaean obols, part of the widespread Western currency already noticed in speaking of Emporiae. These were succeeded by Attic drachms, some of which, about Philip of Macedon's time, are beautiful in style and execution. Their obverse type is the head of Artemis, crowned with olive, at once marking the sacred tree, which had grown from a branch carried by the colonists, so tradition said, with a statue of the goddess, from Ephesus, and proclaiming the value of the olive-groves of Massilia. On the reverse we note the Asiatic lion, common to it and the last colony of Phocaca, the Italian Velia in Lucania. These coins circulated extensively in southern Gaul, and were much imitated by the barbarians on both sides of the Alps.

Gaul.

The Gauls, on their predatory incursions into Greece, must have seized large quantities of the gold coinage circulating there, but it is probable that the gold staters of Philip (Pl. I. fig. 14), from which the chief types of the Gaulish gold are derived (Pl. I. fig. 1), had already found their way, independently of such raids, by means of trade along the Danube valley into the districts then inhabited by the Gauls. This is clear from the fact that the gold coins of Alexander were never, his silver rarely, imitated by the Gauls, yet these were in circulation at the time of the incursions. Nor did the influence of Philip's silver travel far west. But his gold money evidently travelled through central Europe to Gallia. The money of Gallia before the complete Roman conquest, to which it may be anterior in its commencement by half a century, belongs in the gold to degraded types of the earlier widespread currency. The undoubted gold and electrum of this imitative class, identified as bearing regal or geographical names, are extremely limited. By far the most interesting coin of the group is the gold piece which bears the name at full length of the brave and unfortunate Vercingetorix. The silver money is comparatively common. The Gauls were ready to copy any types that came in their way, so that in the coinage of Gaul we find imitations of the coinage of Tarentum, Campania, various Spanish cities such as Rhoda, and Roman coins of the republic and early empire. The effect of the silver of Massilia and other Greek colonies is especially noticeable in S. Gaul, and the Roman denarius naturally exerted a strong influence. The bronze money of Gaul is still more abundant than the silver, and has a special interest from its characteristic types. Some of the later local coins are casts of an alloy of copper and tin called potin, but merely a variety of bronze. The Roman coins recall those of Hispania, but are limited to a few coloniae. They range in date from Antony and Augustus to Claudius. The best-known coins of this time, those struck at the colony of Copia Lugdunum (Lyons) with the "Altar of Roma and Augustus," belong, however, strictly speaking, to the Roman series. The coins of Nemausus (Nimes), commemorating the conquest of Egypt in the crocodile chained to a palm-tree, were sometimes made in the shape of the hind-leg of an animal, evidently for dedication in the sacred fountain, from the mud of which all the specimens of this variety are derived.

Britain.

The ancient coinage of Britain is the child of that of Gaul, retaining the marks of its parentage, yet with characters of its own due to independent growth. Money first came in trade by the easiest sea-passage, and, once established in Kent, gradually spread north and west, until the age of the earlier Roman wars, when it was issued in Yorkshire, probably in Lincolnshire, and in a territory of which the northern limits are marked by the counties of Norfolk, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham, Oxford, Gloucester and Somerset. The oldest coins are gold imitations of Philip's staters, which, whether struck in Gaul or Britain, had a circulation on the British side of the Channel. They are the prototypes of all later money. From a careful comparison of their weights with those of later coins, and from a study of the gradual degradation of the types, Evans places the origin of the coinage between 200 and 150 B.C. Its close may be placed about the middle of the 1st century A.D. The inscribed coins occupy the last century of this period, being contemporary with uninscribed ones. The uninscribed coins are of gold, silver, bronze and tin, the gold being by far the most common. There is small variety in the types, nearly all in gold and silver, and some in copper, presenting in more or less degraded form the original Gaulish type for gold. It may be suspected that all new types and the extremely barbarous descendant of the tin series are of the age of the inscribed coins, or but little earlier. The Channel Islands are remarkable for a peculiar coinage of billon, a very base silver, presenting the usual types modified by Gaulish grotesqueness. The place of this group in the British series is merely accidental; in character as in geography it is Gaulish.

The inscribed coins are evidently in most cases of chiefs, though it is certain that one town (Verulamium) and some tribes had the right of striking money. The most interesting coins are those of known chiefs and their families-of Commius, probably the active prince mentioned by Caesar, of Dubnovellaunus, mentioned in the famous Ancyra inscription, which has been called the will of Augustus, and most of all the large and interesting series of Cunobelinus, Shakespeare's Cymbeline (Pl. I. fig. 2), his brother Epaticcus, and his father Tasciovanus. It is evident from the coins and historical evidence collected by Evans that Tasciovanus had a long reign. His chief town, as we learn from his money, was Verulamium. His coins are in three metals, repeat the traditional types, and present new ones, some showing a distinctly Roman influence. The money of Epaticcus is scanty, but that of Cunobelinus, with Camulodunum (Colchester) for his chief town, is even more abundant than his father's, indicating a second long reign, and having the same general characteristics. The gold shows a modification of the traditional type, the silver and bronze the free action of Roman influence and a remarkable progress in art. With the death of this prince not long before A.D. 43 the bulk of the British coinage probably ceases, none being known of his sons, Adminius, Togodumnus and the more famous Caractacus, but the coins of the Iceni may have continued as late as A.D. 50, and the Brigantes issued silver coins as late as the time of Cartimandua, whose name is partly preserved on one of them.

The ancient coins of Italy occupy the next place. They appear to have been struck during a period of more than 500 years, the oldest being probably of the beginning of the 6th Italy. century B.C. and the latest somewhat anterior to the time of Julius Caesar. The larger number, however, are of the age before the great extension of Roman power, which soon led to the use of Roman money almost throughout Italy. There are two great classes, which may be called the proper Italian and the Graeco-Italian; but many coins present peculiarities of both. The proper Italian coins are of gold, silver and bronze. Of these, the gold coins are extremely rare, and can never have been struck in any large numbers. The silver are comparatively common, but the bronze are very numerous and characteristic. A few of the earliest gold and silver coins of Etruria have a perfectly plain reverse. The most remarkable bronze coins of this class are of th kind called aes grave, most of which were the early proper coinage of Rome, although others are known to have been

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coasts of Campania, Calabria, Lucania and the Bruttii. We find Etruscan inscriptions on the coins of Etruria, and Oscan on some of those of middle and lower Italy, where they are eclipsed in number and style by the Greek issues. The chief silver standards of S. Italy are (1) the Campanian (with a didrachm of 7.41 grammes); (2) the Italic, with a stater of 8-16 grammes, divided into thirds; and (3) the Tarentine, with a stater of 8.32 grammes, divided into halves. The Tarentine stater was known as vouμuos. The independent coinage of Italy, with one exception, came to an end in 89 B.C.

Beginning in the north of Italy, the first coins that strike us are those of Populonia in Etruria. The silver money of this place is generally of the peculiar fabric in which the reverse is left perfectly plain. The aes grave of upper and middle Italy was largely dominated by the issues of the Roman mints at Rome and Capua (to be treated later). Samnium shows us a curious revival of native silver money after the local coinage of the Italian towns had been almost abolished by Rome. It was the result of the Social or Marsic War of the confederate tribes, who struck for Italy against the Roman supremacy during the years between 90 and 88 B.C. The coins present the head of Italia, and reverse types, of which the most striking are warriors, varying in number, taking an oath over a sacrificial pig, and a bull for Italy goring the prostrate wolf of Rome. The inscriptions are Oscan or Latin.

Issued by other Italian cities. These are very thick coins, some | This was chiefly issued by the wealthy marts which dotted the of which are of great size, while most have a rude appearance. They are always cast, and were preceded by formless lumps of bronze, known as aes rude, which were not properly a statecoinage. The designs of the Italian coins are generally, if not always, of Greek origin, although the influence of the native mythology may be sometimes traced. The inscriptions are in Latin, Oscan or Etruscan, and follow a native orthography; sometimes on the earlier coins they are retrograde. The art of this class is generally poor, or even barbarous. The denominations are common to Greek money, except in the case of the bronze, which follows a native system. Of this system the early proper Roman coins afford the best known examples. The GraecoItalian coins are of gold, silver and bronze. The silver and bronze are very common, and the gold comparatively so, although struck by few states or cities. A number of the cities of S. Italy issued in the 6th century coins with an incuse design on the reverse repeating with slight modifications the design of the obverse. The designs are of Greek origin, although here, as in the proper Italian coins, but less markedly, native influence can be detected. This influence is evident in the frequent occurrence of types symbolically representing rivers, showing a bias towards the old nature-worship, and still more in the use of Latin inscriptions, with half-Italian forms of the letters on coins otherwise Greek. Of the best art of ancient Italian money we have already spoken, and we shall have occasion to mention some of its most beautiful examples. The denominations of the gold and silver coins are unquestionably derived from those of Greece, according to the weight of the Attic talent, the heaviest gold piece being the stater or 3000th part of that talent; in silver there are few tetradrachms, the didrachms are extremely common, and smaller denominations are usually not rare. We thus learn that the silver currency was chiefly of didrachms, smaller pieces being less used, and larger ones scarcely used at all. It is important here to notice that the interchange of the native or Italian bronze coinage with the Greek silver coinage led to a double standard, silver and bronze. The bronze standard, as might be suspected, was of Italian origin, the silver of foreign introduction.

The peculiarity of the Italian bronze is that in its oldest cast form it was of such weight as to show the absence in some parts of the country of silver equivalents. It was long after silver had been introduced everywhere, with struck bronze equivalents, before the heavy coinage (aes grave) went out of circulation. The silver money is at first remarkable for the evidence it affords of its extraneous character in presenting two standards. Afterwards it becomes equivalent to the bronze, or supplies equivalent pieces, and is quite regular. The original condition of the Italian currencies is best illustrated by the money of Etruria in the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. Etruria, be it remembered, was an early goal of oriental commerce by sea. At the great mart of Populonia, and in the country round; we find, besides a few gold coins, not only silver coins of two different foreign standards, the Euboic and the so-called Persic, but also cast aes grave and later struck bronze pieces. Without discussing the origin of these various currencies it is enough to note that they bear witness to the effects of a widely-spread commerce, and show that here was the meeting-point of the native system and of foreign ones.

In Italy the aes grave long ruled. Originally it was libral, the principal coin being the as, nominally of the weight of the Italic pound of 273 grammes; this, at least, is the weight of the earliest Roman coinage. On the other hand, the aes grave of some places in E. Italy, as Hatria and Ariminum, is heavier. The successive reductions of the as belong to Roman numismatics, and it is only necessary here to add that they affected the local bronze coinages as Italy fell under the rule of the republic. The silver coinages, on the other hand, survived for a longer time throughout the Greek cities. Apart from the complicated silver coinage of Etruria, and from the Roman issues, we find in central Italy a few silver coins (the unit of 1-18 grammes being the equivalent, at the rate of 1.250, of a bronze as of 11-10 oz.) and a large silver coinage of didrachms and smaller denominations in lower Italy.

Greek towns of

Kaly.

Certain of the Greek towns of Italy deserve special mention for the splendour of their coinage-beautiful in style and delicate in for later notice) the two most interesting currencies are of execution. In Campania (leaving the Romano-Campanian Cumae and Neapolis, the modern Naples. Cumae presents silver money of the archaic and the early fine style, in which last we first observe the peculiar naïveté of western Greek art before it had attained elaboration. The abundant silver coins of Neapolis are of the early and the late fine periods and of the decline. The types are usually the head of the siren Parthenope, more rarely Athene; the reverse presents the man-headed bull common on Campanian money, and possibly meant for the river-god and age has beautified it with the rich blue or green patina due to the Achelous, father of the Sirens. The bronze money is of good style, sulphurous soil. When we reach Calabria the Greek money startles us in astonishing wealth of beauty in the currency of the opulent and luxurious mart of Tarentum, second only to Syracuse in the whole present prosperity and its fall (the time of the contest with Rome) West, of all the main periods of art, and including in the age of its the most abundant gold issues of any Greek city. The gold money of Tarentum (see Plate) is a delight to the eye, with the varied beauty of its gem-like types, which, while they show the gem-engraver's art, prove the medallist's knowledge of the rich but opaque metallic material. Several heads of divinities adorn these coins, and the chief reverse types relate to the legendary founder, Taras, son of Poseidon. Always a youth, he appears as a charioteer, perhaps as a horseman, and riding on a dolphin-the familiar Tarentine type. The most remarkable subject represents him with outstretched arms praying to Poseidon, probably in allusion to the Tarentines' appeal to Sparta for aid about 346 B.C. (Pl. I. fig. 3). The silver coinage is chiefly of didrachms of reduced Corinthian weight. The prevalent type is Taras seated on a dolphin; in the earliest money the type is single, and repeated incuse on the reverse; afterwards this subject occupies On the early fine coins the people or demos, personified generally as the reverse, and, itself a charming composition, is delightfully varied. a youth, often holding a spindle, occupies the obverse, but gives place in the 4th century to a horseman in various attitudes, affording great Scope to the engraver's skill; probably he is Taras himself, save when he is a full-grown warrior. These representations illustrate the famed horsemanship of the Tarentines, and refer to contests and games which were probably local. Heraclea in Lucania shows us didrachms of the fine age, with heads of Athene and subjects connected with Heracles: the contest with the Nemean lion is most skilfully treated, and the series is very characteristic of the gemengraver's art. The powerful city of Metapontum begins with early coins having the incuse reverse, and then displays a long series stretching down to the decline of art. The constant type, which recurs with the heraldic instinct of the West, is the ear of barley, reminding us of the "golden harvest (χρυσοῦν θέρος) which the Metapontines dedicated at Delphi. Like the Tarentine badge, it first occupies the obverse, then the reverse, balanced by a charming series of heads of divinities. Persephone is the most appropriate counterpart; we also note heads of Concordia ('Oubroca) and Hygieia, marked by an ingenuous grace peculiar to the early fine work of the Western school, of Leucippus the founder as a helmeted warrior (occurring on a rare tetradrachm and the usual didrachms), and many other types of unusual variety and originality of conception.

Tiberius.

Poseidonia issued coins from the archaic period (beginning with the usual incuse fabric) to its capture by the Lucanians early in the 4th century. Its successor Paestum began to coin about 300, and was allowed to keep its mint open even after 89 B.C.. when all other local mints in Italy were closed, until the time of The ancient Sybaris, famous for her luxury, has left archaic coins; she was, however, destroyed by Croton in 510 B.C. The Athenian colony of Thurium eventually arose near the site of the old Sybaris in 443, and immediately began to issue a splendid series of coins. Not only is the face of the coin occupied by the head of Athene, and the great currency, as at Athens, of tetradrachms, but the severe beauty of the style points to the direct influence of the art of central Greece (Pl. I. fig. 4). The head of Athene is covered by a helmet adorned first with a wreath of olive and then a splendid figure of the sea-monster Scylla. The reverse shows a bull butting (@opios), in a strikingly ideal form. Probably the obverse type affords the nearest reflection of the masterpiece of Pheidias, or at least the closest following of his style. Velia, the last colony of Phocaca, whose citizens sailed away to the far west rather than submit to the Persian tyrant (544 B.C.), shows coins from its foundation. The pieces of fine work witness to an Asiatic origin in the types of the lion, devouring the stag or as a single device, while the obverse displays the head of Athene so much in favour in Magna Graecia. The style, which lacks strength but not beauty, is Italian, and we see no trace of the pictorial qualities of Ionian art, which indeed had not taken its mature form when the exiles left the mother country. The Bruttii are the first native Italians whom we find striking a fair Greek coinage. Their gold and silver is of late style, the gold presenting the head of Poseidon and Thetis on a sea-horse, the silver the head of Thetis and the figure of Poseidon, both with other subjects. Caulonia has early coins running down to the early fine period, mythologically interesting in type, and the later with a beautifully designed stag on the reverse. For Croton the ruling type is the tripod. The eagle occurs on the obverse and the tripod on the reverse. The bird of Zeus is inferior to that at Agrigentum, as this again is inferior to the eagle of Elis. We note also beautiful types of Heracles seated, one of marvellously delicate work, on the reverse of which Apollo aims an arrow at the Python from behind his tripoda remarkable composition. The other Heracles types form a most interesting series of recollections, memory sketches," of a famous statue, the pose of which recalls the so-called Theseus of the Parthenon, while the obverse presents the head of the Hera Lacinia worshipped on the promontory close by. The latest coins, like the parallel ones of Metapontum, are weak and pretty. The money of the Locri Epizephyrii affords two curious types of reverse, Eirene seated, of fine style, with the legend EIPHNH AOKPON, and the later yet more remarkable subject of Roma seated while Pistis crowns her, the legend being ΡΩΜΑ ΠΙΣΤΙΣ ΛΟΚΡΩΝ. There are beautiful coins of the little known town of Pandoșia, bearing the head of the nymph Pandosia (?); the reverse has the river Crathis, a splendid head of the Lacinian Hera, and Pan.

Rhegium was closely connected with Messene in Sicily opposite, and thus the great Sicilian currency of tetradrachms prevails. Anaxilaus, tyrant of Rhegium from 494 to 476 B.C., early in his rule acquired Messene through Samian adventurers. The coins of both towns at first present Samian types, and then, the Samians having been expelled, Anaxilaus commemorates his Olympic victory in the mule-car. The same type appears at Messene and last longer, In both cases the reverse bears a running hare, an animal which Anaxilaus introduced into Sicily. The later 5th-century coinage of Rhegium shows a seated figure of the Rhegine Demos, and a fine head of Apollo, by the engraver Hippocrates. The little-known town of Terina is illustrious as having produced a series of silver didrachms which, on the whole, is the most beautiful in Italy (Pl. I. fig. 5). The obverse has the head of a goddess, who is portrayed winged on the reverse-a wonderfully fine subject, well conceived and most delicately executed in a variety of different attitudes, some recalling the Victories which adorn the balustrade of the temple of Wingless Victory at Athens. Very curiously, the money of Terina begins with an archaic coin which bears on the reverse the named figure of a Wingless Victory, surrounded by the olive-wreath.

The coinage of Sicily is Greek. The Hellenic and Carthaginian colonies of the coast left the barbarous natives undisturbed in the inland country, and both issued Greek money, the Sicily, Punic with a tincture of Phoenician style. The coinage ranges from the 6th century B.C. until the subjugation of the island by the Romans, after which a few cities struck colonial or imperial coins for a short space. The marked periods are those of the preponderance of Syracuse from 480 to 212 B.C., interrupted by the great Carthaginian wars, which were fatal to the cities of the southern coast. The coinage is in gold and electrum, mainly issued at Syracuse, in silver and in bronze. The standard is Attic, except the earliest money of the Chalcidian

colonies Himera, Zancle (Messene), and Naxos, which follows the Aeginetan weight. The metrology of Sicily has a distinct relation to that of Italy. Here also there is a double standard, silver and bronze, and in consequence an intrusive silver coin, differing but little from the obol, weighing 0.87 instead of 73 grammes, the silver equivalent of the bronze litra, whose name it borrows. The litra in bronze was the Sicilian pound of 218 grammes, equal to half an Attic mina, and to two-thirds of the Roman libra or pound. So important was the litra in Sicily that the silver litra supplanted the obol, and the didrachm was sometimes called a stater of ten litrae, the decadrachm a piece of fifty litrae, pentecontalitron. The leading coin is the tetradrachm, not, as in Italy, the didrachm

The Sicilian money is of extremely careful artistic work, not unfrequently even in the case of bronze allowing for a more rapid execution of the die; and the highest technical excellence is attained. The art is that of the southern branch of the great Western school, generally more skilful than the art of southern Italy, but less varied. The earlier fine work has a naïve beauty peculiar to the West and almost confined to Sicily; all that follows is evidently gem-engravers' work. These coins are remarkable for the frequency of artists' signatures, which for the short period of highest skill are almost universal on the larger silver money of Syracuse, and occur less frequently on that of the other great cities. Among these artists may be mentioned Exacestidas (at Camarina), Eucleidas, Eumenes, Phrygillus (at Syracuse), Euacnetus (Syracuse, Camarina, Catana), Cimon (Messana, Syracuse Pl. I. figs. 7, 8), Heracleidas and Choirion (Catana). As in Italy, the decline is more rapid than elsewhere in the Greek world, in consequence of the inherent weakness of the style; but it is in part due to the calamities of the island, as of lower Italy.

The fame won by the tyranni and other leading aristocrats of Sicily in the great national contests of Hellas, in the race with the quadriga, the mule-car and the horse, led to the introduction and supremacy of types commemorating these victories, probably in most cases those achieved at Olympia. It is obvious that no success could be so appropriately figured on the coinage; the charioteer or the horseman, not the city, was the victor, but at the same time the renown of the city was indissolubly connected with the citizen who won it. Hence these types are almost confined to states ruled by tyranní or oligarchies; outside Sicily they are practically only found at Rhegium when it was closely connected with Sicily, at Cyrene, in the money of Philip II. of Macedon and at Olynthus and in Euboca. The horseman is not a frequent type; the mule-car is limited to Messene (and Rhegium); but the quadriga becomes the stereotyped subject for the reverse of the great Sicilian tetradrachms-the bulk of the coinage-and only escapes heraldic sameness by a charming variety in the details. In the age of finest art a divinity of the city takes, in Homeric guise, the place of the charioteer, or Victory herself so wins the contest; commonly she hovers above, about to crown the charioteer or the horses. Yet more interesting are the types connected with nature-worship, especially those portraying river-gods in the form of a manheaded bull, or a youth with the budding horns of a calf, or in the shape of a dog, and also the subjects of the nymphs of fountains. These types occur on either side of the coin. On nearly all, one side (in early times the reverse, later the obverse) is held by the head of a divinity, Persephone and Athene taking the first place.

The leading position which Syracuse held in the island makes it proper to notice her splendid currency first, the finest for knowledge of the materials, for skill in suitably filling Syracuse. the space, and for delicacy of execution in the whole range of Greek money, though we miss the noble simplicity of Greece, the strong feeling of western Asia Minor, and the simple picturesqueness of Crete. Syracuse was founded in 734 B.C. by Archias of Corinth, an origin which, remembered on both sides, served her well in later history. In the 6th century, perhaps while still under the oligarchy of the Geomori, she issued her most archaic silver money, which, primitive as

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