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down the back. In the riper period of art the type is softer, and Apollo appears in a form which seeks to combine manhood and eternal youth. His long hair is usually tied in a large knot above his forehead. The most famous statue of him is the Apollo Belvidere in the Vatican (found at Frascati, 1455), an imitation belonging to the early imperial period of a bronze statue representing him, with aegis in his left hand, driving back the Gauls from his temple at Delphi (279 B.C.), or, according to another -view, fighting with the Pythian dragon. In the Apollo Citharoedus or Musagetes in the Vatican, he is crowned with laurel and wears the long, flowing robe of the Ionic bard, and his form is almost feminine in its fulness; in a statue at Rome of the older and more vigorous type he is naked and holds a lyre in his left hand; his right arm rests upon his head, and a griffin is seated at his side. The Apollo Sauroctonus (after Praxiteles), copied in bronze at the Villa Albani in Rome and in marble at Paris, is a naked, youthful, almost boyish figure, leaning against a tree, waiting to strike a lizard climbing up the trunk. The gigantic statue of Helios (the sun-god), "the colossus of Rhodes," by Chares of Lindus, celebrated as one of the seven wonders of the world, is unknown to us. Bas-reliefs and painted vases reproduce the contests of Apollo with Tityus, Marsyas, and Heracles, the slaughter of the daughters of Niobe, and other incidents in his life.

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within the city of Rome; and the triumphal arches at Bene ventum and Ancona. The Trajan column in the centre of the Forum is celebrated as being the first triumphal monument of the kind. On the accession of Hadrian, whom he had offended by ridiculing his performances as architect and artist, Apollodorus was banished, and, shortly afterwards, being charged with imaginary crimes, put to death (Dio Cassius Ixix. 4). He also wrote a treatise on Siege Engines (Ioλiopkŋtiká), which was dedicated to Hadrian.

APOLLONIA, the name of more than thirty cities of antiquity, The most important are the following: (1) An Illyrian city (known as Apollonia κат' 'Еwidαμvov or πроs 'Еmidáμv) on the right bank of the Aous, founded by the Corinthians and Corcy raeans. It soon became a place of increasing commercial prosperity, as the most convenient link between Brundusium and northern Greece, and as one of the starting-points of the Via Egnatia. It was an important military post in the wars against Philip and during the civil wars of Pompey and Caesar, and towards the close of the Roman republic acquired fame as a seat of literature and philosophy. Here Augustus was being educated when the death of Caesar called him to Rome. It seems to have sunk with the rise of Aulon, and few remains of its ruins are to be found. The monastery of Pollina stands on a hill which probably is part of the site of the old city. (2) A Thracian city on the Black Sea (afterwards Sozopolis, and now Sizeboli), colonized by the Milesians, and famous for its colossal statue of Apollo by Calamis, which Lucullus removed to Rome.

APOLLONIUS, surnamed ó dúoxoλos (" the Surly or Crabbed"), a celebrated grammarian of Alexandria, who lived in the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius. He spent the greater part of his life in his native city, where he died; he is also said to have visited Rome and attracted the attention of Antoninus. He was the founder of scientific grammar and is styled by Priscian grammaticorum princeps. Four of his works are extant: On Syntax, ed. Bekker, 1817; and three smaller treatises, on Pronouns, Conjunctions and Adverbs, ed. Schneider, 1878. Grammatici Gracci, i. in Teubner series; Egger, Apollonius Dyscole (1854).

AUTHORITIES.-F. L. W. Schwartz, De antiquissima Apollinis Natura (Berlin, 1843); J. A. Schönborn, Über das Wesen Apollons (Berlin, 1854); A. Milchhöfer, Uber den attischen Apollon (Munich, 1873); T. Schreiber, Apollon Pythoktonos (Leipzig, 1879); W. H. Roscher, Studien zur vergleichenden Mythologie der Griechen und Römer, i. (Leipzig, 1873); R. Hecker, De Apollinis apud Romanos Cultu (Leipzig, 1879); G. Colin, Le Culle d'Apollon pythien à Athènes (1905); L. Dyer, The Gods in Greece (1891); articles in PaulyWissowa's Realencyclopädie, W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der Mythologie, and Daremberg and Saglio's Dictionnaire des antiquités; L. Preller, Griechische und römische Mythologie (4th ed. by C. Robert); J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.; G. Wissowa Religion und Kultus der Römer (1902); D. Bassi, Saggio di Bibliografia mitologica, i. Apollo (1896); L. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, iv. (1907); O. Gruppe, Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte, ii. (1906). In the article GREEK ART, fig. 9 represents a bearded Apollo, playing on the lyre, in a chariot drawn by winged horses; fig. 55 (pl. ii.) Apollo of the Belvidere; fig. 76 (pl. v.) a nude and roughly executed colossal figure of the god. U. H. F.) APOLLODORUS, an Athenian painter, who flourished at the end of the 5th century B.C. He is said to have introduced great improvements in perspective and chiaroscuro. What these were it is impossible to say: perspective cannot have been in his day at an advanced stage. Among his works were an Odysseus, a priest in prayer, and an Ajax struck by lightning. APOLLODORUS, an Athenian grammarian, pupil of Aris tarchus and Panaetius the Stoic, who lived about 140 B.C. He was a prolific and versatile writer. There is extant under his name a treatise on the gods and the heroic age, entitled Bißio-Sophistae Lexico Homerico (1885); E. W. B. Nicholson on a newly Onkn, a valuable authority on ancient mythology. Modern critics are of opinion that, if genuine, it is an abridgment of a larger work by him (Περὶ θεῶν).

Edition, with commentary, by Heyne (1803); text by Wagner (1894) (Mythographi Graeci, vol. i. Teubner series). Amongst other works by him of which only fragments remain, collected in Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, may be mentioned: Xpovukȧ, a universal history from the fall of Troy to 144 B.C.; Пepinynois, a gazetteer written in iambics; Ilepi Ner, a work on the Homeric catalogue of ships; and a work on etymology ('Ervμodoviai).

APOLLODORUS, of Carystus in Euboea, one of the most important writers of the New Attic comedy, who flourished at Athens between 300 and 260 B.C. He is to be distinguished from an older Apollodorus of Gela (342-290), also a writer of comedy, a contemporary of Menander. He wrote 47 comedies and obtained the prize five times. Terence borrowed his Hecyra and Phormio from the Exupá and 'Emiôiкaçóμevos of Apollodorus. Fragments in Koch, Comicorum Allicorum Fragmenta, ii. (1884); see also Meincke, Historia Critica Comicorum Graecorum (1839). APOLLODORUS, of Damascus, a famous Greek architect, who flourished during the 2nd century A.D. He was a favourite of Trajan, for whom he constructed the stone bridge over the Danube (A.D. 104-105). He also planned a gymnasium, a college, public baths, the Odeum and the Forum Trajanum,

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APOLLONIUS, surnamed duaλaxos ("the Effeminate"), a Greek rhetorician of Alabanda in Caria, who flourished about I 20 B.C. After studying under Menecles, chief of the Asiatic school of oratory, he settled in Rhodes, where he taught rhetoric, among his pupils being Mark Antony.

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APOLLONIUS, surnamed the Sophist," of Alexandria, a famous grammarian, who probably lived towards the end of the 1st century A.D. He was the author of a Homeric lexicon (Aées 'Ounpikai), the only work of the kind we possess. His chief authorities were Aristarchus and Apion's Homeric glossary. Edition by Villoison (1773), I. Bekker (1833); Leyde, De Apollonii discovered fragment in Classical Review (Nov. 1897). APOLLONIUS MOLON (sometimes called simply MOLON), a Greek rhetorician, who flourished about 70 B.C. He was a native of Alabanda, a pupil of Menecles, and settled at Rhodes. He twice visited Rome as an ambassador from Rhodes, and Cicero and Caesar took lessons from him. He endeavoured to moderate the florid Asiatic style and cultivated an "Atticiz ing" tendency. He wrote on Homer, and, according to Josephus, violently attacked the Jews.

See C. Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, iii.; E. Schürer, History of the Jewish People, iii. (Eng. tr. 1886).

APOLLONIUS OF PERGA [PERGAEUS], Greek geometer of the Alexandrian school, was probably born some twenty-five years later than Archimedes, i.e. about 262 B.C. He flourished in the reigns of Ptolemy Euergetes and Ptolemy Philopator (247-205 B.C.). His treatise on Conics gained him the title of The Great Geometer, and is that by which his fame has been transmitted to modern times. All his numerous other treatises have perished, save one, and we have only their titles handed down, with general indications of their contents, by later writers, especially Pappus. After the Conics in eight Books had been written in a first edition, Apollonius brought out a second edition, considerably revised as regards Books i.-ii., at the instance of one Eudemus of Pergamum;

the first three books were sent to Eudemus at intervals, as revised, and the later books were dedicated (after Eudemus' death) to King Attalus I. (241-197 B.C.). Only four Books have survived in Greek; three more are extant in Arabic; the eighth has never been found. Although a fragment has been found of a Latin translation from the Arabic made in the 13th century, it was not until 1661 that a Latin translation of Books v.-vii. was available. This was made by Giovanni Alfonso Borelli and Abraham Ecchellensis from the free version in Arabic made in 983 by Abu 'l-Fath of Ispahan and preserved in a Florence MS. But the best Arabic translation is that made as regards Books i.-iv. by Hilal ibn Abi Hilal (d. about 883), and as regards Books v.-vii. by Tobit ben Korra (836-901). Halley used for his translation an Oxford MS. of this translation of Books v.-vii., but the best MS. (Bodl. 943) he only referred to in order to correct his translation, and it is still unpublished except for a fragment of Book v. published by L. Nix with German translation (Drugulin, Leipzig, 1889). Halley added in his edition (1710) a restoration of Book viii., in which he was guided by the fact that Pappus gives lemmas " to the seventh and eighth books" under that one heading, as well as by the statement of Apollonius himself that the use of the seventh book was illustrated by the problems solved in the eighth.

The degree of originality of the Conics can best be judged from Apollonius' own prefaces. Books i.-iv. form an "elementary introduction," i.e. contain the essential principles; the rest are specialized investigations in particular directions. For Books i.-iv. he claims only that the generation of the curves and their fundamental properties in Book i. are worked out more fully and generally than they were in earlier treatises, and that a number of theorems in Book iii. and the greater part of Book iv. are new. That he made the fullest use of his predecessors' works, such as Euclid's four Books on Conics, is clear from his allusions to Euclid, Conon and Nicoteles. The generality of treatment is indeed remarkable; he gives as the fundamental property of all the conics the equivalent of the Cartesian equation referred to oblique axes (consisting of a diameter and the tangent at its extremity) obtained by cutting an oblique circular cone in any manner, and the axes appear only as a particular case after he has shown that the property of the conic can be expressed in the same form with reference to any new diameter and the tangent at its extremity. It is clearly the form of the fundamental property (expressed in the terminology of the "application of areas") which led him to call the curves for the first time by the names parabola, ellipse, hyperbola. Books v.-vii. are clearly original. Apollonius' genius takes its highest flight in Book v., where he treats of normals as minimum and maximum straight lines drawn from given points to the curve (independently of tangent properties), discusses how many normals can be drawn from particular points, finds their feet by construction, and gives propositions determining the centre of curvature at any point and leading at once to the Cartesian equation of the evolute of any conic.

The other treatises of Apollonius mentioned by Pappus are —IST, AÓYOν ȧжOтоph, Cutting off a Ratio; 2nd, Xwplov åоroun, Cutting off an Area; 3rd, Awpio uern roμn, Determinale Section; 4th, 'Erapal, Tangencies; 5th, Neves, Inclinations; 6th, Too erinedo, Plane Loci. Each of these was divided into two books, and, with the Data, the Porisms and Surface-Loci of Euclid and the Conics of Apollonius were, according to Pappus, included in the body of the ancient analysis.

1st. De Rationis Sectione had for its subject the resolution of the following problem: Given two straight lines and a point in each, to draw through a third given point a straight line cutting the two fixed lines, so that the parts intercepted between the given points in them and the points of intersection with this third line may have a given ratio.

2nd. De Spatii Sectione discussed the similar problem which requires the rectangle contained by the two intercepts to be equal to a given rectangle.

An Arabic version of the first was found towards the end of the 17th century in the Bodleian library by Dr Edward Bernard,

who began a translation of it; Halley finished it and published it along with a restoration of the second treatise in 1706. 3rd. De Sectione Determinata resolved the problem: Given two, three or four points on a straight line, to find another point on it such that its distances from the given points satisfy the condition that the square on one or the rectangle contained by two has to the square on the remaining one or the rectangle contained by the remaining two, or to the rectangle contained by the remaining one and another given straight line, a given ratio. Several restorations of the solution have been attempted, one by W. Snellius (Leiden, 1698), another by Alex. Anderson of Aberdeen, in the supplement to his Apollonius Redivivus (Paris, 1612), but by far the best is by Robert Simson, Opera quaedam reliqua (Glasgow, 1776).

4th. De Tactionibus embraced the following general problem: Given three things (points, straight lines or circles) in position, to describe a circle passing through the given points, and touching the given straight lines or circles. The most difficult case, and the most interesting from its historical associations, is when the three given things are circles. This problem, which is sometimes known as the Apollonian Problem, was proposed by Vieta in the 16th century to Adrianus Romanus, who gave a solution by means of a hyperbola. Victa thereupon proposed a simpler construction, and restored the whole treatise of Apollonius in a small work, which he entitled Apollonius Gallus (Paris, 1600). A very full and interesting historical account of the problem is given in the preface to a small work of J. W. Camerer, entitled Apollonii Pergaei quae supersunt, ac maxime Lemmata Pappi in hos Libros, cum Observationibus, &c. (Gothae, 1795, 8vo).

5th. De Inclinationibus had for its object to insert a straight line of a given length, tending towards a given point, between two given (straight or circular) lines. Restorations have been given by Marino Ghetaldi, by Hugo d'Omerique (Geometrical Analysis, Cadiz, 1698), and (the best) by Samuel Horsley (1770).

6th. De Locis Planis is a collection of propositions relating to loci which are either straight lines or circles. Pappus gives somewhat full particulars of the propositions, and restorations were attempted by P. Fermat (Euvres, i., 1891, pp. 3-51), F. Schooten (Leiden, 1656) and, most successfully of all, by R. Simson (Glasgow, 1749).

Other works of Apollonius are referred to by ancient writers, viz. (1) Hepi rov Tupiov, On the Burning-Glass, where the focal properties of the parabola probably found a place; (2) Пepì Toû Kox Xiov, On the Cylindrical Helix (mentioned by Proclus); (3) a comparison of the dodecahedron and the icosahedron inscribed in the same sphere; (4) 'H κalóλov πрayμareía, perhaps a work on the general principles of mathematics in which were included Apollonius' criticisms and suggestions for the improvement of Euclid's Elements; (5) 'NKUTÓKIOV (quick bringing-to-birth), in which, according to Eutocius, he showed how to find closer limits for the value of than the 34 and 34 of Archimedes; (6) an arithmetical work (as to which see PAPPUS) on a system of expressing large numbers in language closer to that of common life than that of Archimedes' Sand-reckoner, and showing how to multiply such large numbers; (7) a great extension of the theory of irrationals expounded in Euclid, Book x., from binomial to multinomial and from ordered to unordered irrationals (see extracts from Pappus' comm, on Eucl. x., preserved in Arabic and published by Woepcke, 1856). Lastly, in astronomy he is credited by Ptolemy with an explanation of the motion of the planets by a system of epicycles; he also made researches in the lunar theory, for which he is said to have been called Epsilon (e).

The best editions of the works of Apollonius are the following: (1) Apollonii Pergaci Conicorum libri quatuor, ex versione Frederici libri octo, et Sereni Antissensis de Sectione Cylindri et Coni libri duo Commandini (Bononiae, 1566), fol.: (2) Apollonii Pergaei Conicorum (Oxoniae, 1710), fol. (this is the monumental edition of Edmund Halley); (3) the edition of the first four books of the Conics given in 1675 by Barrow: (4) Apollonii Pergaei de Sectione Rationis libri duo: Accedunt ejusdem de Sectione Spatii libri duo Restituti: Praemittitur, &c., Opera et Studio Edmundi Halley (Oxoniae, 1706), 4to; (5) a German translation of the Conics by H. Balsam (Berlin, 1861); (6) the definitive Greek text of Heiberg (Apollonii Pergaei quae Graece

to infuse into the flaccid dialectic of paganism a saner spirit of practical morality.

exstant Opera, Leipzig, 1891-1893); (7) T. L. Heath, Apollonius, Treatise on Conic Sections (Cambridge, 1896); see also H. G. Zeuthen, Die Lehre von den Kegelschnitten im Altertum (Copenhagen, 1886 and 1902). (T. L. H.) APOLLONIUS OF RHODES (RHODIUS), a Greek epic poet and grammarian, of Alexandria, who flourished under the Ptolemies Philopator and Epiphanes (222-181 B.C.). He was the pupil of Callimachus, with whom he subsequently quarrelled. In his youth he composed the work for which he is known-sching, Apollonius von Tyana (Berlin, 1889); J. A. Froude, Short Argonautica, an epic in four books on the legend of the Argonauts. When he read it at Alexandria, it was rejected through the influence of Callimachus and his party. Disgusted with his failure, Apollonius withdrew to Rhodes, where he was very successful as a rhetorician, and a revised edition of his epic was well received. In recognition of his talents the Rhodians bestowed the freedom of their city upon him-the origin of his surname. Returning to Alexandria, he again recited his poem, this time with general applause. In 196, Ptolemy Epiphanes appointed him librarian of the Museum, which office he probably held until his death. As to the Argonautica, Longinus' (De Sublim. p. 54, 19) and Quintilian's (Instit. x. 1, 54) verdict of mediocrity seems hardly deserved; although it lacks the naturalness of Homer, it possesses a certain simplicity and contains some beautiful passages. There is a valuable collection of scholia. The work, highly esteemed by the Romans, was imitated by Virgil (Aeneid, iv.), Varro Atacinus, and Valerius Flaccus. Marianus (about A.D. 500) paraphrased it in iambic trimeters. Apollonius also wrote epigrams; grammatical and critical works; and Krious (the foundations of cities).

Editio Princeps (Florence, 1496); Merkel-Keil (with scholia, 1854); Seaton (1900). English translations: Verse, by Greene (1780); Fawkes (1780); Preston (1811); Way (1901); Prose by Coleridge (1889); see also Couat, La Poésie alexandrine; Susemihl, Geschichte der griech. Lit. in der alexandrinischen Zeit.

APOLLONIUS OF TRALLES (in Caria), a Greek sculptor, who flourished in the 2nd century B.C. With his brother Tauriscus, he executed the marble group known as the Farnese Bull, representing Zethus and Amphion tying the revengeful Dirce to the tail of a wild bull.

See GREEK ART, pl. i. fig. 51.

APOLLONIUS OF TYANA, a Greek philosopher of the NeoPythagorean school, born a few years before the Christian era. He studied at Tarsus and in the temple of Asclepius at Aegae, where he devoted himself to the doctrines of Pythagoras and adopted the ascetic habit of life in its fullest sense. He travelled through Asia and visited Nineveh, Babylon and India, imbibing the oriental mysticism of magi, Brahmans and gymnosophists. The narrative of his travels given by his disciple Damis and reproduced by Philostratus is so full of the miraculous that many have regarded him as an imaginary character. On his return to Europe he was saluted as a magician, and received the greatest reverence from priests and people generally. He himself claimed only the power of foreseeing the future; yet in Rome it was said that he raised from death the body of a noble lady. In the halo of his mysterious power he passed through Greece, Italy and Spain. It was said that he was accused of treason both by Nero and by Domitian, but escaped by miraculous means. Finally he set up a school at Ephesus, where he died, apparently at the age of a hundred years. Philostratus keeps up the mystery of his hero's life by saying, " Concerning the manner of his death, if he did die, the accounts are various." The work of Philostratus. composed at the instance of Julia, wife of Severus, is generally regarded as a religious work of fiction. It contains a number of obviously fictitious stories, through which, however, it is not impossible to discern the general character of the man. In the 3rd century, Hierocles (q.v.) endeavoured to prove that the doctrines and the life of Apollonius were more valuable than those of Christ, and, in modern times, Voltaire and Charles Blount (1654-1693), the English freethinker, have adopted a similar standpoint. Apart from this extravagant eulogy, it is absurd to regard Apollonius merely as a vulgar charlatan and miracle-monger. If we cut away the mass of mere fiction which Philostratus accumulated, we have left a highly imaginative, earnest reformer who laboured

See L. Dyer, Studies of the Gods in Greece (New York, 1891); A. Chassang, Le Merveilleux dans l'antiquité (1882); D. M. Tredwell, Sketch of the Life of Apollonius of Tyana (New York, 1886); F. C. Baur, Apollonius von Tyana und Christus, ed. Ed. Zeller (Leipzig, 1876, an attempt to show that Philostratus's story is merely a pagan Counterblast to the New Testament history); J. Jessen, Apollonius v. Tyana und sein Biograph Philostratos (Hamburg, 1885); J. GöttStudies, vol. iv.; G. R. S. Mead, Apollonius of Tyana (London, 1901); B. L. Gildersleeve, Essays and Studies (New York, 1890); PhiloPriaulx, The Indian Travels of Apollonius (1873); F. W. G. Campstratus's Life of Apollonius (Eng. trans. New York, 1905); O. de B. bell, Apoll. of Tyana (1908); see also NEO-PYTHAGOREANISM. APOLLONIUS OF TYRE, a medieval tale supposed to be derived from a lost Greek original. The earliest mention of the story is in the Carmina (Bk. vi. 8, ll. 5-6) of Venantius Fortunatus, in the second half of the 6th century, and the romance may well date from three centuries carlier. It bears a marked resemblance to the Antheia and Habrokomes of Xenophon of Ephesus. The story relates that King Antiochus, maintaining incestuous relations with his daughter, kept off her suitors by asking them a riddle, which they must solve on pain of losing their heads. Apollonius of Tyre solved the riddle, which had to do with Antiochus's secret. He returned to Tyre, and, to escape the king's vengeance, set sail in search of a place of refuge. In Cyrene he married the daughter of King Archistrates, and presently, on receiving news of the death of Antiochus, departed to take possession of the kingdom of Antioch, of which he was, for no clear reason, the heir. On the voyage his wife died, or rather seemed to die, in giving birth to a daughter, and the sailors demanded that she should be thrown overboard. Apollonius left his daughter, named Tarsia, at Tarsus in the care of guardians who proved false to their trust. Father, mother, and daughter were only reunited after fourteen years' separation and many vicissitudes. The earliest Latin MS. of this tale, preserved at Florence, dates from the 9th or 10th century. The pagan features of the supposed original are by no means all destroyed. The ceremonies observed by Tarsia at her nurse's grave, and the preparations for the burning of the body of propounds to her father are obviously interpolated. They are Apollonius's wife, are purely pagan. The riddles which Tarsia taken from the Enigmata of Caelius Firmianus Symposius. The many inconsistencies of the story seem to be best explained by the supposition (E. Rohde, Der griechische Roman, 2nd ed., 1900, PP. 435 et seq.) that the Antiochus story was originally and was clumsily tacked on by the Latin author. The romance entirely separate from the story of Apollonius's wanderings, kept its form through a vast number of medieval re-arrangements, and there is little change in its outlines as set forth in the Shakespearian play of Pericles.

by M. Velser (Augsburg, 1595), by J. Lapaume in Script. Erot. (Didot, The Latin tale is preserved in about 100 MSS., and was printed Paris, 1856), and by A. Riese in the Bibl. Teubneriana (1871, new ed. 1893). The most widespread versions in the middle ages were those of Godfrey of Viterbo in his Pantheon (1185), where it is related as formed the basis of the German folk-tale by H. Steinhöwel (Augsauthentic history, and in the Gesta Romanorum (cap. 153), which burg, 1471), the Dutch version (Delft, 1493), the French in Le Violter des histoires romaines (Paris, 1521), the English, by Laurence Twine London, 1576, new ed. 1607), also of the Scandinavian, Czech, and Hungarian tales.

In England a translation was made as early as the 11th century (ed. B. Thorpe, 1834, and J. Zupitza in Archiv für neuere Sprachen, 1896); there is a Middle English metrical version (J. O. Halliwell, A New Boke about Shakespeare, 1850), by a poet who says he was vicar of Wimborne; John Gower uses the tale as an example of the seventh deadly sin in the eighth book of his Confessio Amantis; Robert Copland translated a prose romance of Kynge Apollyne of Thyre (Wynkyn de Worde, 1510) from the French; Pericles was entered at Stationers' Hall in 1607, and was followed in the next Prynce of Tyre (ed. Tycho Mommsen, Oldenburg, 1857), and George year by George Wilkins's novel, The Painfull Adventures of Pericles, Lillo drew his play Marina (1738) from the piece associated with Shakespeare; Orendel, by a Middle High German minnesinger, contains some of the episodes of Apollonius; Heinrich von Neustadt the story was well known in Spanish, Libre de Apolonio (verse, c. wrote a poem of 20,000 lines on Apollonius von Tyrland (c. 1400); 1200), and in J. de Timoneda's Patranuclo (1576); in French much

of it was embodied in Jourdain de Blaives (13th cent.), and it also appears in Italian and medieval Greek. See A. H. Smyth, Shakespeare's Pericles and Apollonius of Tyre (Philadelphia, 1898); Elimar

religion. Yet the purpose may be defence even then. And there is perhaps a reason of a deeper kind for holding Apologetics to the defensive. Christianity is a prophetic religion. Now a

Kiebs, Die Erzählung von A. aus Tyrus (Berlin, 1899); S. Singer, prophet does not argue; he declares what he feels to be God's

Apollonius von Tyrus (Halle, 1895).

APOLLOS ('ATOλλάs; contracted from Apollonius), an Alexandrine Jew who after Paul's first visit to Corinth worked there in a similar way (1 Cor. iii. 6). He was with Paul at a later date in Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 12). In 1 Cor. i. 10-12 we read of four parties in the Corinthian church, of which two attached themselves to Paul and Apollos respectively, using their names, though the "division can hardly have been due to conflicting doctrines. (See PAUL.) From Acts xviii. 24-28 we learn that he spoke and taught with power and success. He may have captivated his hearers by teaching "wisdom," as P. W. Schmiedel suggests, in the allegorical style of Philo, and he was evidently a man of unusual magnetic force. There seems to be some contradiction between Acts xviii. 25 a b and Acts xviii. 25 c, 26 b c; and it has been suggested that these latter passages are subsequent accretions. Since Apollos was a Christian and "taught exactly," he could hardly have been acquainted only with John's baptism or have required to be taught Christianity more thoroughly by Aquila and Priscilla. Martin Luther regarded Apollos as the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and many

scholars since have shared his view.

Jerome says that Apollos was so dissatisfied with the division at Corinth, that he retired into Crete with Zenas, a doctor of the law; and that the schism having been healed by Paul's letter to the Corinthians, Apollos returned to the city, and became its bishop. Less probable traditions assign to him the bishopric of Duras, or of Iconium in Phrygia, or of Caesarea.

See the articles in the Encyclopaedia Biblica; Herzog-Hauck, Realencyklopädie: The Jewish Encyclopaedia; Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible; and cf. Weizsäcker, Das apostolische Zeitalter; A. C. McGiffert, History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age.

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APOLLYON, the "foul fiend" who assaulted Christian on his pilgrimage through the Valley of Humiliation in John Bunyan's great allegory. The name (Gr. 'Amoλλúwv), which means destroyer" (aroλue, to destroy), is taken from Rev. ix. 11, where it represents the Hebrew word Abaddon (lit. place of destruction," but here personified). The identification with the Asmodeus (q.v.) of Tobit iii. 8 is erroneous.

APOLOGETICS, in theology, the systematic statement of the grounds which Christians allege for belief in (at least) a supernatural revelation and a divine redemption (cf. e.g. Heb. i. 1-3). The majority of apologists in the past have further believed in an infallible Bible; but they admit this position can only be reached at a late stage in the argument. We should note, however, that even a liberal orthodoxy, while saying nothing about infallibility, is pledged to the essential authority of the Bible; it cannot e.g. simply ignore the Old Testament with F. E. D. Schleiermacher. Catholic apologetics must further give a central position to Church authority, which Roman Catholics explicitly define as infallible; but this position too is debated in a late section of their system. On the other hand, there may be a Christianity which seeks to extricate the "spiritual " from the" supernatural" (Arnold Toynbee, characterizing T.H.Green). It would only lead to confusion, however, if we called this method apologetic." Any single effort in apologetics may be termed an apology:" More elaborate contrasts have been proposed between the two words, but are of little practical importance. 1. The Word itself.-In Greek, åñoλoyla is the defendant's reply (personally, not through a lawyer) to the speech for the prosecution-karnyopla. Sometimes defendants' speeches passed into literature, e.g. Plato's splendid version of the Apology of Socrates. Thus, in view of persecution or slander, the Christian church naturally produced literary "Apologies." The word has never quite lost this connotation of standing on the defensive and rebutting criticism; e.g. Anselm's Apologia contra insipientem Gaunilonem (c. 1100); or the Lutheran Apology for the Augsburg Confession (1531); or J. H. Newman's Apologia pro vita sua (1864); or A. B. Bruce's Apologetics; or Christianity Defensively Stated (1892). Of course, defence easily passes into counterattack, as when early apologists denounce Greek and Roman

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will. For himself, he rests, like the mystic, upon an immediate vision of truth; but he differs from most mystics in having a message for others; and-again unlike most mystics-he addresses the hearer's conscience, which we might call (in one sense) the mystic element in every man-or better, perhaps, the prophetic. Can the positive grounds for a prophet's message be analysed and stated in terms of argument? If so, apologetics is literally a science, and it is pedantry to claim the defensive and pretend to throw the onus probandi upon objectors. But, if not, then apologetics is a mere auxiliary, and is only "a science" in so far as it presents a conscious and systematic plea. Bruce's title, and his programme of "succouring distressed faith," imply the latter alternative; the moral appeal of Christianity, primary and essential; its confirmation by argument, secondary. The view has its difficulties; but it is hignly suggestive.

The word aroλoyía is used by Origen (Contra Cel. ii. 65, v. 19) of the general Christian defence. But the introduction of the adjective " apologetic " and of the substantive "apologetics" is Theology or Theism, (2) Christian Evidences-chiefly "miracles" recent. They are serviceable as bracketing together (1) Natural

and "prophecy "; or, on a more modern view, chiefly the character and personality of Christ. The lower usage of Apology (as expression of regret for a fault) has tipped many a sarcasm besides George III.'s on the occasion of Bishop Watson's book, "I did not know that the Bible needed an apology!"

II. Apologetics in the Bible.-The Old Testament does not argue in support of its beliefs, unless when (chiefly in parts of the Wisdom literature) it seeks to rebut moral difficulties (cf. T. K. Cheyne, Job and Solomon; A. S. Peake, Problem of Suffering in the Old Testament, 1904). The New Testament reflects chiefly controversy with Jews. Great emphasis is laid upon alleged fulfilments-striking or fanciful, but very generally striking to that age-of Old Testament prophecy (Matt. especially; rather differently Ep. to Heb.). The miracles of Jesus are also canvassed. Jews do not deny their wonderful character, but attribute them to black art (Mark iii. 22 &c., &c.). On the other hand, Christians and Jews are pretty well agreed on natural theology; so the New Testament tends to take its theism for granted. However, Rom. i. 20 has had great influence on Christian theology (e.g. Thomas Aquinas) in leading it to base theism upon reason or argument. One apologetic contention, aimed at Gentile readers, is found among the motives of Acts. Christianity is not a lawless but an excellent law-abiding faith. So (it is alleged) rulers, both Jewish and Gentile, have often admitted (xviii. 14; xix. 37; xxiii. 9; xxvi. 32).

III Early Christian.-When we leave the New Testament, apologetics becomes conspicuous until the political triumph of Christianity, and even somewhat later. The atmosphere is no longer Jewish but fully Greck. True there are, as always, Jewish controversialists. Justin Martyr writes a Dialogue with Trypho; Origen deals with many anti-Christian arguments borrowed by Celsus from a certain nameless Jew. Yet Greece was the sovereign power in all the world of ancient culture. And so Christianity was necessarily Hellenized, necessarily philosophized. One result was to bring natural theology into the forefront. A pure morality, belief in one God, hopes extending beyond death-these appealed to the age; the Church taught them as philosophically true and divinely revealed. But, further still, philosophy offered a vehicle which could be applied to the contents of Christianity. The Platonic or eclectic theism, which adopted the conception of the Logos, nade a place for Christ in terms of philosophy within the Godhead. (John i. I may or may not be affected by Philo; it is almost or quite solitary in the N.T.) Similarly, the immortality of the soul may be maintained on Platonic or quasi-Platonic lines, as by St Athanasius (Contra Gentes, § 33)—a writer who repeatedly quotes the Alexandrian Book of Wisdom, in which Platonism and the Old Testament had already joined partnership. This

On purely defensive lines, early apologists rebut charges of cannibalism and sexual promiscuity; the Christians had to meet in secret, and the gossip of a rotten age drew malignant conclusions. They make counter attacks on polytheism as a folly and on the shamefulness of obscene myths. Here they are in line with non-Christian writers or culture-mockers like Lucian of Samosata; or graver spirits like Porphyry, who champions Neo-Platonism as a rival to Christianity, and does pioneer work in criticism by attacks on some of the Old Testament books. Turning to Christian evidence proper, we are struck with the continued prominence of the argument from prophecy. The Old Testament was an immense religious asset to the early church. Their enemies had nothing like it; and-the N.T. canon being as yet but half formed-the Old Testament was pushed into notice by dwelling on this imperfect "argument," which grew more extravagant as the partial control exercised by Jewish learning disappeared. An argument from miracles is also urged, though with more reserve. Formally, every one in that age admitted the supernatural. The question was, whose supernatural? And how far did it carry you? Miracle could not be to a 3rd century writer what it was to W. Paley-❘ a conclusive and well-nigh solitary proof. Other apologies are by Aristides (recently recovered in translation), Athenagoras ("elegant"), Eusebius of Caesarea, Cyril of Alexandria; in Latin by Minucius Felix, Tertullian (a masculine spirit and phrase-coiner like T. Carlyle, if bitterer still), Lactantius Firmianus, &c., &c.1

phase of Platonism, however, was much more slowly adopted. | which became one of Pascal's sources (see V. below), or Peter The earlier apologists dispute the natural immortality of the Abelard's Dialogus inter Judaeum Philosophum et Christianum. soul; Athanasius himself, in De Incarnatione Dei, §§ 4, 5, tones And the Moslem came on the scenes bringing, as a gift for down the teaching of Wisdom; and the somewhat eccentric Christendom, fuller knowledge of classical, especially Aristowiiter Arnobius, a layman-from Justin Martyr downwards telian, texts. The Jews, less bitterly opposed to Mahommedapologetics has always been largely in the hands of laymen-anism than the Christians were, caught fire more rapidly, stands for what has recently been called "conditional immor- and in some cases served as an intermediate link or channel tality "-eternal life for the righteous, the children of God, alone. of communication. These two religions anticipated the disAllied with this more empiricist stand-point is the assertion cussion of the problem of faith and reason in the Christian that Greek philosophy borrowed from Moses; but in studying church. According to the great Avicenna and Maimonides, the Fathers we constantly find that groundless assertion faith and the highest reason are sure to coincide (see ARABIAN uttered in the same breath with the dominant Idealist view, PHILOSOPHY). According to Ghazali, in his Destruction of Philoaccording to which Greck philosophy was due to incomplete sophers, the various schools of philosophy cancel each other; revelation from the divine Logos. reason is bankrupt; faith is everything. (So nearly Jehuda Halevi.) According to Averroes, reason suffices, and faith, with (what he considers) its dreams of immortality and the like, is useful only for the ignorant masses. Christian theology, however, strikes out a line of its own. Moslems and Jews were applying Aristotelian philosophy to rigorously monotheistic faiths; Christianity had been encouraged by Platonism in teaching a trinity of divine persons, and Platonism of a certain order long dominated the middle ages as part of the Augustinian tradition. In sympathy with this Platonism, the medieval church began by assuming the entire mutual harmony of faith and reason. Such is the teaching, along different lines, alike of St Anselm and of Abelard. But, when increased knowledge of Aristotle's texts (and of the commentaries) led to the victory of a supposed Aristotelianism over a supposed Platonism, Albertus Magnus, and his still more distinguished pupil Thomas Aquinas, mark certain doctrines as belonging to faith but not to reason. They adhere to the general position with exceptions (in the case of what had been considered Platonic doctrines). From the point of view of philosophy, this was a compromise. Faith and reason partly agree, partly diverge. The tendency of the later middle ages is to add to the number of the doctrines with which philosophy cannot deal. Thomas's great rival; Duns Scotus, does this to a large extent, at times affirming "two truths." The latter position, ascribed by the schoolmen to the Averroists, becomes dominant among the later Nominalists, William of Occam and his disciples, who withdraw all doctrines of faith from the sphere of reason. This was a second and a more audacious compromise. It is not exactly an attempt to base Christian faith on rational scepticism. It is a consistent policy of harbouring inconsistencies in the same mind. A statement may be true in philosophy and false in theology, or vice versa. To the standpoint of Aquinas, however, the Church of Rome (at least in regard to the basis of doctrine) has more and more returned. The councils of Trent and of the Vatican mark the Two Truths hypothesis as heretical, when they affirm that there is a natural knowledge of God and natural certainty of immortality. Along with this affirmation, the Church of Rome (if less decisively) has adopted the limitations of the Thomist theory by the condemnation of "Ontologism"; certain mysterious doctrines are beyond reason. This cautious compromise sanctioned by the Church does not represent the extremest reaction against nominalism. Even in the nominalistic epoch we have Raymond of Sabunde's Natural Theology (accord

As Christianity wins the day, a new objection is raised to it. The age is full of troubles; Christianity is ruining the empire! Besides notices elsewhere, we find the charge specially dealt with by St Augustine and his friends. Paulus Orosius argues that the world has always been a vale of tears. Salvian contends that not the acceptance of Christianity, but the sins of the people are bringing trouble upon them; and he gives ugly evidence of the continued prevalence of vice. Most impressive of all was Augustine's own contribution in The City of God. Powers created by worldliness and sin are crumbling, as they well may; "the city of God remaineth!" Whether he meant it so or not, the saint's argument became a programme and an apologia for the imperializing of the Western Church under the leadership of Rome during the middle ages.

Paris MS., but found in later MSS. and almost all the printed editions) or Liber Creaturarum (c. 1435). The book is not what moderns (schooled unconsciously in post-Reformation developments of Thomist ideas) expect under the name of natural theology. It is an attempt once more to demonstrate all scholastic dogmas out of the book of creation or on principles of natural reason. At many points it follows Anselm closely. and, of course, very often "makes light work" of its task.

IV. Middle Ages.-From the point of view of apologetics, we may mass together the long stretch of history which covers the period between the disappearance and the re-appearance of freeing to the article in Herzog-Hauck, not the title of the oldest discussion. When emperors became converts, the church, so lately a victim and a pleader for liberty, readily learned to persecute. Under such conditions there is little scope for apologetics. Force kills argument and drives doubt below the smooth surface of a nominal conformity. But there were two influences beyond the bounds or beyond the power of the christianized empire. The Jew remained, as always, stubbornly unconvinced, and, as often, fond of slanders. Many of the principal medieval attempts in apologetics are directed chiefly against him, e.g. the Pugio Fidei of Raymond Martini (c. 1280), 1 While these writings are of great historical value, they do not, of course, represent the Christian argument as conceived to-day. The Church of Rome prefers medieval or modern statements of its position; Protestantism can use only modern statements.

The Thomist compromise-or even the more sceptical view of "two truths"-has the merit of giving filling of a kind-to the formula "supernatural revelation"-mysteries inaccessible According to earlier views-repeatedly revived in Protestantism to reason, beyond discovery and beyond comprehension. -revelation is just philosophy over again. Can the choice be

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