cap fanatics would involve it. Let the truth be spoken on this subject. It can never hurt the South, if it be spoken openly, honestly, without disguise, without concealment. It is only misrepresentation, falsehood and slander that do injury and provoke hostility. It is only because one party, the abolitionists, express their views in coarse, offensive and inflammatory language, without caution, without reason, without forethought, without decency; it is only because they misstate facts, and conceal, exaggerate, and misrepresent the truth, declaring that to be a great physical evil, a great moral wrong, an offence against religion and humanity, which is a great physical good, and a great moral and political right, and because, in attempting to maintain the right, or what they conceive to be such, they confound the right and wrong together, it is only on these accounts, that they are to be regarded as dangerous and odious members of society. It is because another party, the anti-slavery men, among whom are to be placed the Northern Reviewers, are timid, through apprehension of being denounced as abolitionists, and, accordingly, express their opposition by remarks, hints and inuendos, thrown out occasionally in the course of their speculations, striking deeply at the roots of our Southern policy, and which, by their silent and imperceptible operation, produce more extensive injury than would or could be effected by a bold, open, manly discussion, on its merits, of the entire question, that they are even still more dangerous enemies to the South, than the abolition party, and are to be viewed with greater distrust. It is because the third party, who are neither abolitionists nor anti-slavery men, but simply office-seekers, placehunters, would convert slavery into a political question, and break up the Union by their ambition, provided they may avail themselves of the disaster and ruin which ensue, to ride over the necks of Southern citizens to some post of honor or profit which tempts their aspirations and their efforts, that their course is to be cautiously and constantly watched by the whole South, and their designs detected and baffled. The South must defend herself, without looking for any protection from her brethren of the North and East, except it be "such protection as vultures give to lambs, covering, while they devour them!" She is able to do it. She has strong minds and stout hearts, which

are faithful to her honor, and alive to their duty, and who stand ready to do battle for her, and let them come up, and that right early, to the help of the South against the mighty.

It is not, however, from New-England alone, that we have reason to apprehend assaults upon us and our institutions. We have quite as much cause to regard, with deep interest, the designs entertained by old England, the doctrines she promulgates through her leading Reviews and Periodicals, and the position she assumes in respect to questions in which the Southern States of this country are more particularly concerned, than any other portions of it. England is bound by no ties of allegiance to the American Union, either of a primary or secondary character, such as is due to it by its own citizens. On the contrary, she regards our Constitutions of government, as wild and impracticable theories, that are destined, ere long, to accomplish their own destruction. Yet, without waiting for a catastrophe so remote, she would, we believe, if she had the power and the opportunity, destroy these glorious fabrics of our liberty tomorrow, in order to resume her authority over us, and establish, upon the ruin of our institutions, her own darling monarchy. Ever since the discussion of the West India question, and the abolition of slavery in her Colonies there, she has had her eye specially upon New-England, as proper soil upon which to operate, and although she has groaned, as she admits, under the incubus of slavery for centuries, and has regarded herself, all the while, as quite a moral people, she seems suddenly to have acquired a new conscience, to have discovered that she has been awfully wicked, through the lapse of many generations, and that penitence and a wide-reaching philanthropy, such as never before crossed her fancy, are now to be her legitimate vocation. She therefore, by way of atonement, as it would seem, for her own offences, or because her love of human kind must have an outlet somewhere, calls upon New England, who for the last thirty or forty years, has been free from the sin which has disturbed her own slumbers with frightful dreams, to come forward with a noble generosity, and do as she has done, to put her hand in her pocket, and, from the funds she finds there, purchase of their owners all the slaves of the Southern States of our country, and set them at liberty. And was England really so just and liberal

to the West India planters, as she would have the world suppose, on the occasion referred to? Did she give them more than a mere pittance? Did she give them an equivalent for their property? No one pretends or imagines it. And has her experiment of emancipation proved as advantageous to the slaves in that region as was anticipated? It has been a signal failure. The African race are not, never were, and never will be fit for freedom, in the West Indies or any where. Does she make the proposition, because she is satisfied, that the people of New England love philanthropy so much, and money so little, that they will readily sacrifice their estates on the occasion, in order to gratify their philanthropic tendencies? She knows them better, and as for relieving our Northern brethren from the guilt of Southern slavery by inducing them to follow her example, we apprehend the idea never occurred to her, and that she is equally indifferent, both as to their temporal and their spiritual salvation. What object, then, has she in view by such appeals, for she boasts publicly, or her writers do for her, that she has made a deep impression upon the American mind in reference to this matter, through the instrumentality of her leading journals? Her object is, to embroil the Southern portion of the country with the Northern portion of it, by assailing the institutions of the former through the timid consciences or jealous apprehensions of the latter. Does England,__haughty, domineering, crafty, ambitious, farreaching England ever sleep upon her opportunities? Has she not her eye always open, and her arm always ready, to strike a deep and deadly blow for her own interests, quite regardless of whom it is she wounds and of whom she crushes? And when she comes to us in loving guise, and prates about her sympathy for the slave, and tells us, that she is deeply moved in the cause of liberty, and the cause of humanity, and would rescue her American friends, over the seas, from the deep and damning guilt of a great moral evil, is she to be believed? Trust not her tale. It is false ! England is not to be trusted, when she bows her head to the democrat, and thrusts herself forward, with mincing steps and a smiling air, to interfere in any of our American arrangements. She loves us not. She loves not the American soil,-no part of it, neither the Northern, the Southern, the Eastern or the Western portions of our Republic.

All her memories connected with our prowess and our victories over her are bitter, bitter as gall and wormwood to the taste. She never can forget the time and the times, when by sea and by land, the proud British Lion succumbed to a superior, lay panting and gasping for breath, all mangled and torn, under the talons of the young American Eagle, who flapped his wings over him, and exultingly ascended to heaven! Does she really and truly love our Northern brethren with a right maternal affection? Why then does she send over her agents and emissaries to employ our free American presses, in agitating questions which she knows are hostile to Northern ambition and Northern avarice? Why does she turn her steps towards the Southern States of our Union, with a more erect brow and greater dignity than before, and cry out, at the top of her lungs, as if looking with a certain confidence for the shouts of acclamation and applause that are to follow, "Free Trade, Gentlemen of the South!" "Low Tariffs on Imports, Southern Planters!" Is it because a sudden change has come over the spirit of her dream? Is it because she now hates the North, as heartily as she once loved it? No people so suddenly and heartily hate those, whom they recentÎy and vehemently loved and adored, except disappointed lovers, whose suit the haughty fair one has rejected, with scorn and disdain glancing from her countenance. Is it because she would make friends with us in this region, would espouse, with right good will, the cause of the South, would protect her interests and sustain her institutions? Has she not recently, in defiance of law, in defiance of treaties, in defiance of the just and liberal principles, which should govern all civilized nations in their intercourse with each other, through some accident in her philanthropy, and in demonstration of her imperial rule, seized upon slaves of our Southern citizens, who came within her reach, and set them at liberty? Has she not done the same thing before? Does she, does old England love the citizens of this Southern portion of our Union? If she does, and if such be the proof of the fact,-if such be her loving kindness and her tender mercies towards us, God save us from her hate! It must blaze with a tenfold fury, hotter than that of the oven, which contained the three ancient children of God, Shadrack, Mesheck and Abednego, and who walked out of

it unsinged, and without the smell of fire on their garments, as we trust the citizens of the South will do, from under the burning blast of England's nostrils. Granting that the principles of Free Trade should be firmly sustained by the South, and they should be; admitting that low duties on imports are essential to the interests of the Southern planter, and they are, does any one suppose that England, grasping England, has any extreme love and reverence for the principles of Free Trade any further, or that she will have any longer, than her own interests, the only principle by which she is governed as a nation, are to be sustained and advanced by their advocacy? No one dreams that her devotion to such a policy is dictated by a sincere regard to our Southern interests. Wait a little, until she carries out her present plans and purposes, and gets cotton and other articles of domestic consumption and profit with which our Southern States now supply her markets, from her own plantations in the East Indies, and in other parts of the world, and see whether any devotion to the principles of Free Trade, from a pure love of it, or of the South, will restrain her from shutting up her ports forthwith, to the ingress of the productions of our Southern enterprize and industry? No,

no.

Has she not already, in anticipation, perhaps, of the action of the Federal Government on this subject in violation of the Compromise Act, commenced, in advance, a system of countervailing duties? What, then, is the object she has in view by all this clamor that she raises, about Free Trade and low tariffs? Her intention is, to irritate that dear object of her warm affections, New-England; to embroil the North with the South, as she has already embroiled the South with the North, by fanning the flames of abolitionism in that quarter; and when she has got the two sections of the country, the North and the South, fairly at loggerheads, she means to avail herself of the conflict that will and must follow, in promoting her own deep-laid schemes of national aggrandizement. Her prating about philanthropy is only a sop thrown to Cerberus, to prevent his barking at her and biting her heels. If she is so extremely humane, and so excessively weighed down by the power of an outbursting benevolence, why does she not seek a relief for her love, in liberating the operatives of her manufactories from those oppressive toils, in comparison with