came forth from the struggle with honour and advantage. The questions were re-opened before a much larger body of bishops and divines, who were instructed to compare the rites and tenets of the Church "with the Scriptures, and the most ancient writers; and to see how far the Scriptures and good authority allowed them." The recognition of the Word of God as the highest authority in all points of doctrine and church order was a signal gain for Cranmer. On this ground victory was certain. The favourable moment was embraced for informing the King that his instructions, for the removal from the churches of the numerous shrines of pretended saints, which gave occasion to much superstitious and idolatrous observance, were to a large extent evaded. Fresh injunctions were issued; and the shrine of Thomas à Becket disappeared from the cathedral church of Canterbury, while its vast wealth enriched the exchequer of Henry. The work of reformation was making steady, though slow, advancement. Humanly speaking, it depended upon the prudent skill of Cranmer, by which, at this junc ture, he defeated an attempt to place the circulation of the Scriptures in permanent abeyance. A new translation had been ordered; and the Popish party aimed to get the work into their own hands, and thus indefinitely postpone its execution. Cranmer exposed their design to Henry, and procured an order that the new translation should be intrusted to the Universities. The announcement in Convocation of this mandate took his enemies by surprise; and greatly embittered their feelings against him. They clearly saw that, notwithstanding their temporary ascendency with Henry, the only mode of arresting the work which Cranmer prosecuted was to procure his removal from the scene of

action.

This was seriously contemplated by them: and a series of attempts were made to accomplish it, in which some of those who owed their preferment to him, and were members of his own household, took a prominent part. The most formidable, and the last of these, may here properly be given, as it throws light on the characters of Henry and Cranmer, and on the peculiar relation which existed between them. The Duke of Norfolk appears to have taken the lead in this movement, though Gardiner was, as usual, its evil genius. The party was composed of members of the Privy Council. Against the Archbishop it was alle ged, that he had so "infected the realm with his unsavoury doctrine, that three parts of the land had become abominable heretics; and that it might prove dangerous to the King, being like to produce such commotions as were sprung up in Germany." On this ground of danger to himself, they desired the King to commit Cranmer to the Tower, that he might be tried on the charge in due form. Henry remed to enter into their purpose, and gave them leave to cite the accused efore them; when, should they conclude that it was necessary, they might commit him. Elated with this apparent success, they proceeded to arrange their plan of operations. At midnight, however, Henry despatched a messenger to Cranmer, with an order commanding him to appear at Whitehall immediately. The Archbishop had retired to his own room, but arose at once, and obeyed the order. What his thoughts were, we have no direct means of knowing; though it is highly probable he VOL. XIV.-FIFTH SERIES.

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would apprehend some new danger. He must, at this time, have felt his life to be most insecure. Could his persecutors discredit him with the King, his death would be the immediate result. Henry was awaiting his arrival, and in a few words informed him of the accusation brought against him, and also that he had given permission to the Council to commit him to the Tower. He humbly thanked His Majesty for giving him timely warning; and declared his readiness to go to the Tower, on the condition that he might be impartially heard. It is evident that Henry was experimenting upon the character of Cranmer, who bore the test admirably. The dignity of his bearing surpassed the King's expectation; and with astonishment he exclaimed, “What fond simplicity have you, so to permit yourself to be imprisoned, that every enemy of yours may take advantage against you! Not so, my lord. I have better regard unto you than to permit your enemies so to overthrow you." He instructed him to demand that his accusers should be brought before him; and, placing his ring in Cranmer's hand, further said, "If they refuse your request, deliver this ring to them, and say, you appeal from them to the King."

At an early hour in the morning a summons was delivered, requiring the Archbishop to appear before the Council. When he arrived, he was not permitted to enter the council-chamber, but was treated with indignity, being compelled to stand without, among the servants who were in attendance. There he remained in uncomplaining silence, to the astonishment of all who observed him. When informed of this, Henry replied, “Have they served my lord so? It is well enough. I shall talk with them by-and-by." At their command, Cranmer entered, and listened to the reading of the charge against him. He claimed the right, as a member of the Council, to have his accusers before him. It was vain to reason against their determination. They informed him that "he must needs depart to the Tower." Delivering the King's ring to them, he said, “I appeal from you to the King's majesty, who by this token hath resumed this matter into his own hand." A photograph of the company, taken at that moment, would furnish a fine study. The innocent man, calm in the consciousness of right, and confident in the protection of his Sovereign, would be a strong contrast to the locks of his baffled antagonists. It is not difficult to conceive of their feelings, as they proceeded to the King's apartment. He received them with bitter irony, exclaiming, "Ah, my lords, I thought I had a discreet and wise Council; but now I perceive that I am deceived. How have you handled here my Lord of Canterbury? What make you of him? A slave ?-shutting him out of the council-chamber among serving-men. I would that you should well understand that I account my Lord of Canterbury as faithful a man towards me as ever was prelate in this realm, and one to whom I am many ways beholden. And, therefore, who loveth me will upon that account regard him." They attempted to excuse themselves by declaring their intention to be that "after his trial the Archbishop might be set at liberty, to his greater glory." It is needless to inquire whether Henry believed this assertion. His sig nificant reply was, "I pray you use not my friends so." We are entertained with the sight of these contemptible men giving their hand to

the injured prelate, who, if he desired revenge, must have felt that he had it richly in the mortifying position to which they were reduced. It was indeed a proud moment in the life of that unpretending man, "against whom," the annalist says, "never more durst any man spurn during King Henry's life."

It is obvious that Henry was deeply interested in the religious condition of the country; and from a motive of selfishness, if from no higher principle, was strongly inclined to the side of the Reformation. He was jealous of foreign influence in his realm; and was disposed to favour those views of religion which tended to establish the supremacy of the Monarch, though he was unable to free his mind from the corrupt doctrines of the Papacy. He desired the people to be instructed in the truth of God's word, from the conviction that such a course was best calculated to promote loyalty and good order. But he was greatly embarrassed by the political difficulties of the time, in which he required the services of the leading men in the Popish party; and was in consequence induced to yield much to them in the general matters of religion. The Canon Law remained precisely as it was before the abolition of the Pope's supremacy. The anomaly of this was fully appre ciated by Henry, who was well aware that such a priestly and tyrannical code was a powerful engine in the hands of the Papacy. An attempt to form an ecclesiastical code in harmony with the altered circumstances was defeated by Gardiner, who was then at the French court, negotiating conditions of peace. He declared that the proposed alterations would incense the French monarch, and prevent the favourable issue of his mission. The intended revision was suspended, and Henry observed, "My Lord of Canterbury must take patience herein, and forbear till we may espie a more apt and convenient time for that purpose." Resolute as he undoubtedly was, he was much too politic to carry forward measures which might increase the difficulties of his position. His inclination was in advance of what was actually accomplished by him in the reformation of religion. The freedom of Cranmer's intercourse with him, and their frequent discussions on all the agitated questions, tended greatly to the correction of his views. In this, the last year of his life, he was evidently disposed to introduce a radical change in that central source of evil, the mass; and to supersode it by the scriptural celebration of the Lord's Supper. This appears from the report of a conversation which took place at Hampton Court, between Henry, the French ambassador, and Cranmer, on this important point. But the contemplated change was prevented by Henry's death at Hampton, on the 28th of January, 1547.

The opinions and real feelings of men are generally made apparent when the solemn hour of mortality overtakes them. When Henry found his end approaching, Cranmer was the person whose ministra tions he desired. Gentle and faithful to the end, the Archbishop Bought to direct the mind of his Sovereign to the true source of salvation and comfort. When the power of speech failed, Cranmer "desired him to give him some token that he put his trust in God through Jesus Christ, according as he had desired; and thereat the King presently wrung hard the Archbishop's hand, and soon after

departed." A record of the thoughts which arose in the mind of Cranmer, as he gazed upon the lifeless form of the deceased Monarch, would have constituted a deeply interesting chapter in the history of the time. The conviction of his loyalty and patriotism would sustain him in the review of the past. Amidst traitorous Papists, and self-seeking lords, he had ever been true and upright; and in the great changes which he had laboured to effect, he had conscientiously desired to promote the good of the nation, and the glory of God. In the contingencies of the future he would see reason to be apprehensive for his own safety, and to tremble for the ark of God. He could not foresee the direction which the easy principles of a mutually jealous nobility might take: on the preservation of a comparatively delicate child the future history of the nation, humanly speaking, seemed to depend. A depraved and ignorant priesthood was ready, at the first opportunity, to rush back into the iron grasp of the Pope. But, confident of the soundness of his principles, and the high importance of his work, and full of courage in the assurance of God's presence and blessing, he determined to proceed with his arduous undertaking, trustfully leaving the grand issues, both personal and national, in the hands of the God of truth.

On some points of the deceased Monarch's character there can be little difference of opinion. He was changeful, despotic, unscrupulous, relentless, and cruel even to ferocity. A strange admixture of elements existed in him. Wishful to promote the elevation of his kingdom, and the good of his people, he was sufficiently enlightened to know that the rule of the Papacy was fatal to both; and with a vigorous hand he cast away the yoke. But his principles were too weak to sustain him in the presence of difficulty, and he turned the opposing parties to his own account. His mind was vigorous, and his judgment was clear and strong; but his general action was regulated by personal considerations. He was apt in the appreciation of character, and his knowledge of men was accurate and extensive. With all his sins (and they were great) he was not altogether unsusceptible of noble sentiments and true friendship. Had he lived in a more enlightened and advanced age, in all probability he would have been not only an energetic, but a praiseworthy ruler.

With the death of Henry, the position of Cranmer was greatly altered. Provision had been made by the deceased King for the government of the country during the minority of his son, whom all parties agreed to accept as their Sovereign. The Duke of Somerset, the young King's uncle, was appointed his guardian, and governor of the kingdom in his name. Between the Duke and the Archbishop there was a distinct understanding that the interests of the Reformation should be steadily advanced, as the difficulties of their situation would admit. Supreme power appeared to be in their hands; but was held in check by a very formidable opposition, which was now relieved from apprehension of the Sovereign's personal displeasure, such as had been feared in the days of Henry. It was possible to regard the measures of Somerset and Cranmer as entirely their own, and in no real sense those of the youthful Edward. This fact greatly embarrassed the two in the course which their sense of duty called upon them to pursue; and their

oppo.

nents employed it with considerable effect. A high degree of wisdom was required in these critical circumstances. The slightest precipitancy would have raised a loud outcry against them; and would have exposed them to the specious charge of taking undue advantage of Edward's inexperience. The people might have been excited to violent measures of resistance, and the State involved in the horrors of civil strife. Rarely have men had a more delicate part to perform. Cranmer displayed the wisdom, moderation, virtue, and fortitude, which his high station demanded. It is scarcely possible to speak of his co-adjutor with equal commendation. The Duke was loyal in his principles and intentions; but was destitute of the commanding talents, and force of character, requisite to enable him to rule the jealous and turbulent nobles of the Privy Council, who did not hesitate to oppose him in every available form. The fall of Somerset did not seem to them very improbable, though his power was great, and in the hands of some men would have been irresistible. But to hesitate in their work would be to incur certain overthrow. The aim of Cranmer appears to have been to carry forward the nation to such a state of religious enlightenment and freedom, that, by the time the King personally assumed the reins of government, he might have a substantially Protestant people to govern. Though Edward was so youthful, he had a much better understanding of the questions in dispute than youths of his years ordinarily have. They were constantly discussed in his presence, and occupied his time in the private cabinet as well as in the council-chamber. Cranmer had been appointed his tutor, which equally indicated the mind of the father, and guaranteed the thorough instruction of the son. The boy appears to have inherited much of his father's mental capacity, and his strong preference for the study of religious questions, along with his mother's decidedly anti-Popish and Protestant tendencies. A prosperous era seemed to open before the nation, upon which the principal actors of the time were prepared to enter, though with a keen conviction of their responsibility and danger.

The coronation of Edward was performed at the earliest possible date. But in anticipation of this, Cranmer had sought and obtained the young King's confirmation of his appointment as Archbishop. It was important that Edward's supremacy should be fully recognised : Cranmer hastened to recognise it in connexion with his own office, that the same might be required of every other bishop. The power of dealing with recusant ecclesiastics was thus obtained. Letters patent were issued for a general visitation of the country "for the better reformation of religion;" and the powers of this commission were large. The character of the priesthood, of all orders, and the services in their churches, were more keenly scrutinized than on any former occasion. Many were found guilty of the grossest impurities in connexion with the use of the confessional. Their incapacity to instruct the people was found to be extreme; and a "Book of Homilies" was provided for their use. They were also directed to employ the paraphrase of Erasmus. The pertinacious opposition of Gardiner to these measures resulted in his being placed under some restraint. By the action of Parliament, which was now sitting, many substantial changes