Bright delivered a great speech to his constituents at Birmingham, on the 4th of December. The meeting was convened by the Liberal Association for the purpose of expressing an opinion upon the Eastern policy of the Government; and a resolution was carried calling upon the Government to unite with Russia and the other great Powers in securing the independence of the Christian provinces of European Turkey. Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Muntz, the other members for the borough, were also present.

Mr. Bright briefly recapitulated the principal events of the past year, and inquired why war was considered imminent, when every Government in Europe was in favour of peace. The answer was, because England was determined, by means of Turkey, to keep the Russian ships of war out of the Mediterranean. He ridiculed the idea of there being any danger to English interests in the presence of a Russian navy in that

sea.

The vessels of other nations were permitted there, and the skies would not fall if Russia was admitted. She was excluded by frost from passing from the Baltic during half the year, and throughout the whole year from passing the Dardanelles, because Turkey held the keys for England. If England were in such a position, the unanimous voice of the nation would claim the right for her vessels to enter the Mediterranean. He urged that Great Britain should join Russia in urging reforms upon Turkey; and if she could not do that, let her stand aside. There can be no arbitration,' he said, 'unless the parties to

the dispute are willing; there can be no arbitration between such a Government as that which reigns in Constantinople, and the suffering people of whom we have lately heard so much. I only take consolation in the fact, during all these tremendous scenes of suffering

"That God from evil still educes good;

Sublime events are rushing to their birth;
Lo! tyrants by their victims are withstood,

And Freedom's seed still grows, though steeped in blood."

Let us hope, let us pray, that the efforts that are being made, as sincerely by the Emperor of Russia as by the Government of this country, may be crowned with success, and that the storm which has been created, and which threatened to rage around us, may be put an end to, and that tranquillity may again speedily prevail.'

Referring to the Conference, and to our Special Ambassador to Constantinople, Mr. Bright remarked:

'Lord Salisbury is a man against whom a good deal may be said, and a good deal may be honestly said in his favour; perhaps that is true of most of us-(laughter); but with regard to his policy at home I think I have observed in it for many years—and I have watched and sat opposite to him for years in the House of Commons-what I should call a haughty unwisdom that was unfortunate and mischievous. On the other hand, I have seen in his conduct as Minister for India great liberality, and a great disposition to do that which he believed to be just. I can only hope that he leaves the unwisdom for home consumption—(laughter),—and that when he arrives in Constantinople his liberality and his justice will have fair play. I hope that he will do his country the highest service, and himself the highest honour, by the duty which he has undertaken. But now the special ambassador has been to Paris, to Berlin, to Vienna, and to Rome; he has seen the Duc Decazes, he has seen Prince Bismarck, he has seen Count Andrassy, he has seen Signor Melegari at Rome; he has heard what they have had to say. If he has been touting for allies and

sympathizers, I expect that by this time he knows he has really failed to find them. (Hear, hear.) If he will act upon his own strong sense, it may do us great good; if he acts as the subservient representative of his chief (groans and hisses)—judging his chief by his own language, then I think he may do us very serious ill.'

the Prime

Conferences, Mr. Bright reminded his hearers, had not always ended in peace. Alluding to the Premier's boast at the Guildhall as to how many campaigns England could bear before she was exhausted, he described it as greatly out of place. Cheers and laughter followed the observation that Minister may be a great actor, but somehow or other it seems to me as though he always played to the gallery.' Mr. Bright then quoted M. Guizot, Lord Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and Mr. Cobden in support of his own views on the Crimean war. There was nothing in the whole political pamphlet literature of the country to compare with the pamphlets which Mr. Cobden had written more than thirty years before. One of these, on 'Russia, Turkey, and England,' was being reprinted. There could be nothing so helpful and useful to read at the present time. The lover of freedom,' said the right hon. gentleman in conclusion, 'always looks to us; the oppressed everywhere turn their eyes to ask for sympathy and for help from us. They feel that they make this claim upon a free people. We not only do not deny that claim, but we freely acknowledge it. Well, then, I will put to you a solemn question-a question which you must answer, and you must answer it to your children-to your pos

terity: Shall the might of England again be put forth to sustain such a tyranny as that which rules in Constantinople-a tyranny which has dried up realms to deserts; a tyranny which throughout all its wide range and influence has blasted for centuries past with its withering breath all that is lovely and beautiful in nature, and all that is noble and exalted in man? I ask you, Mr. Chairman, I ask this meeting of my countrymen, I ask every man in the three kingdoms-and in this case may I not ask every woman-what will be the answer given to this question?-and I dare undertake to say there can be only one universal answer from the generous heart of the English people.'

The entire audience responded enthusiastically to Mr. Bright's appeal.

On the 8th of December a National Conference on the Eastern Question was held in St. James's Hall. The Duke of Westminster presided at the afternoon meeting, and the Earl of Shaftesbury in the evening. The speakers at the meetings included Mr. Gladstone, Sir G. Campbell, Mr. Anthony Trollope, Mr. Evelyn Ashley, Canon Liddon, Sir H. Havelock, Mr. Trevelyan, Professor Fawcett, and Mr. Freeman. expression used by the last-named gentleman subsequently excited much comment. 'Will you fight for the integrity and independence of the empire of Sodom?' he asked. 'Perish the interests of England, perish our dominions in India, sooner than that we should strike one blow or speak one word on behalf

An

of the wrong against the right.' Mr. Thomas Carlyle wrote a letter to the originators of the Conference, expressing his high admiration for the Russian national character and policy, and his belief that the expulsion of the Turk from Europe, though a somewhat drastic remedy, was yet the only hopeful

one.

The Constantinople Conference was held in due course, but its sittings proved abortive. On the 20th of January, 1877, the final meeting was held, when the representatives of the Great Powers declared that they must decline further intercourse with the Ottoman Government, the latter having rejected all proposals, even after their reduction to the lowest demands. In the following April Russia formally declared war against Turkey, and the conflict between the two Powers now began.

On the 25th of July, 1877, Mr. Bright unveiled the Cobden statue at Bradford; and in the evening the opportunity was taken of presenting him with an address in St. George's Hall. Reference was made. in the address to some of the measures with which the right hon. gentleman's name was associated, and it was observed that although a great change had taken place in public opinion since the Crimean war, British interests and a spirited foreign policy are made in some quarters still the shadowy and dangerous pretext for departing from a strict and wise neutrality.' The address was read by Mr. Titus Salt.