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Pharaoh. ceeded them. Lastly, I find, adds Josephus, from the ancient records of our nation, that from the age of Solomon no king of Egypt had any longer the name of Pharaoh. But Josephus is not very accurate in this passage. True it is, Herodotus says, that Mines, or Minæus, was the first king of Egypt, and founder of Memphis; that there were 330 kings after him in Egypt; that after them there was a queen called Nicotris, and not Nicaule, as Josephus writes it; but it is not true that these kings had no other name but Pharaoh. Herodotus says expressly, that in the books of the Egyptian priests were read the names and the catalogue of 330 kings; that in this number of 330 there were 18 Ethiopians, and a woman that was a foreigner called Nicotris, and that all the others were Egyptians. These princes therefore had every one his proper name mentioned in the catalogue of the Egyptian kings. So likewise we see in the fragments of Manetho, that every king of Egypt had a name peculiar to him; and we find the name Pharaoh only in Scripture.

What Josephus adds concerning Queen Nicaule, or Nicotris, whom he pretends to be the same as the queen of Sheba, of whom mention is made in Scripture (1 Kings x. 1, 2, &c.) is entirely fabulous; and as to what he says, that since the time of Solomon the kings of Egypt have no longer had the name of Pharaoh, is manifestly false, since we still find his name in the second book of Kings, under Hezekiah (2 Kings xviii. 21.); under Josiah (xxiii. 29, 30, 33, &c.), where this name is joined to Necho, which was the proper name of this prince; under Jehoiakim (xxiii. 35); and in the prophets Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, who are much later than Solomon. It is very probable that the Egyptians gave the name of Pharaoh to their kings as long as the Egyptian language was in common use, and as long as their kings were of their own nation: but after the conquest of Egypt by Alexander the Great, and that the Grecians introduced their language with their government, the name of Pharaoh was known no longer among them. The first prince known to us by the name of Pharaoh was he in whose time Abraham went down to Egypt, when Sarah, who passed only for Abraham's sister, was by the command of Pharaoh brought to his palace in order to become his wife. See ABRAHAM. But the Lord smote Pharaoh and his family with great infirmities, and gave him to know that she was Abraham's wife; whereupon Pharaoh sent for Abraham, restored him his wife, and at the same time gave orders that he should be conducted out of Egypt, with every thing that belonged to him. See SARAH.

The second Pharaoh spoken of in the Scripture is he who reigned when Joseph arrived there. This prince or his successor had the mysterious dream of the fat and lean kine, and the seven full and barren ears of corn, which Joseph explained so much to his satisfaction, that he made him governor of his house and of all Egypt, reserving only to himself the name of a king. This is the same Pharaoh who sent for and entertained the patriarch Jacob and his family in Egypt, and gave them the land of Goshen for their habitation. See JOSEPH and JACOB.

The third Pharaoh known in holy writ is he who persecuted the Israelites. Moses tells us that he was a new king, and had no knowledge of Joseph (Exod. i. 8.). This prince, observing that the Israelites had become

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very numerous and powerful, resolved to depress them Pharaoh, by hardship and labour; and set cruel and pitiless taskmasters over them. But the more he oppressed them, the faster they multiplied; insomuch that he gave orders to the Egyptian midwives, who assisted the Hebrew women in their labour, to put all the male children to death, and to save alive the females only. But this command was not strictly executed. The midwives feared the Lord, and preserved alive not only the female children, but the males also.

Pharaoh, seeing this project did not succeed to his wishes, published a decree (Exod. i. 22.) that all the male children born of Hebrew women should be thrown into the Nile, and that only the females should be spared. This order was rigorously executed; yet by the providence of God Moses was preserved, and even brought up in Pharaoh's own court, by his own daughter, who by chance had found the child, as he was exposed upon the Nile.

Moses being grown up, and having killed an Egyptian who had abused an Hebrew, was obliged to fly from Egypt to avoid that death that Pharaoh had threatened him with.

Several years after, being about 80 years old, he returned again by an order from God, and performed mighty miracles before Pharaoh. See Moses. There is a good deal of probability that this Pharaoh before whom Moses appeared, and in whose sight he smote Egypt with so many plagues, was a different person from him who would have laid hands on him after he had slain the Egyptian. This same Pharaoh having at last been compelled to send away the Hebrews, and to suffer them to go out of Egypt, soon repented of the leave he had given, and pursued them at the head of his army with his chariots. But he was drowned in the Red sea, wherein he had rashly entered in the eagerness of his pursuit. Some historians pretend to give us the name of this Pharaoh; some, as Apion, call him Amosis or Amasis; Eusebius calls him Chenchris; Usher calls him Amenophis; but we may assure ourselves that there can be nothing certain in all this.

The fifth Pharaoh known to us is he who gave protection to Hadad son of the king of Edom, who gave him to wife the sister of his own queen, enriched him with lands, and brought up his son Genubah in his own court. Hadad returned to Idumea after the death of David.

The sixth Pharaoh is he who gave his daughter in marriage to Solomon king of the Hebrews (1 Kings iii. 1.); and having taken Gezer, he set it on fire, drove the Canaanites out of it, and gave it for a present to Solomon, in lieu of a dowry for his daughter, whom he had married to this prince (1 Kings ix. 16.).

The seventh is Shishak, who entertained Jeroboam in his dominions, a rebellious subject of Solomon, and offered him a refuge in opposition to the king his master. The same Shishak declared war against Rehoboam the son and successor of Solomon, besieged and took Jerusalem, carried away all the king's treasures, and those of the house of God, and particularly the golden bucklers that Solomon had made. See SHISHAK.

The eighth is that Pharaoh with whom Hezekiah made a league against Sennacherib king of Assyria, in the year of the world 3290. See SENNACHERIB. This Pharaoh is probably the same whom Herodotus names

Sethon,

Pharaoh, Sethon, priest of Vulcan, who came to meet SennaPhataon. cherib before Pelusium, and to whose assistance Vulcan sent an army of rats, which gnawed the bowstrings and the thongs of the bucklers of Sennacherib's soldiers.

The ninth is Pharaoh Necho, or Nechos, son of Psammiticus, who made war with Josiah, and subdued him. Herodotus also mentions this prince. See NECHO and EGYPT, No 11.

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The tenth is Pharaoh Hophrah, who entered into an alliance with Zedekiah king of Judah, and attempted to come to his assistance against Nebuchadnezzar king of Chaldea. It was against this Pharaoh that Ezekiel nounced several of his prophecies (see Ezekiel xxix. xxx. xxxi. xxxii.). He is called Apries in Herodotus, lib. ii. c. 161. He is also mentioned in Habakkuk ii. 15, 16. See also Isaiah xix. xx. and Jeremiah xlvi. 16, &c. See APRIES, and EGYPT, N° 13, &c.

PHARAON is the name of a game of chance, the principal rules of which are: the banker holds a pack consisting of 52 cards; he draws all the cards one after the other, and lays them down alternately at his right and left hand; then the ponte may at his pleasure set one or more stakes upon one or more cards, either before the banker has begun to draw the cards, or after he has drawn any number of couples. The banker wins the stake of the ponte when the card of the ponte comes out in an odd place on his right hand, but loses as much to the ponte when it comes out in an even place on his left hand. The banker wins half the ponte's stake when it happens to be twice in one couple. When the card of the ponte being but once in the stock happens to be the last, the ponte neither wins nor loses; and the card of the ponte being but twice in the stock, and the last couple containing his card twice, he then loses his whole stake. De Moivre has shown how to find the gain of the banker in any circumstance of cards remaining in the stock, and of the number of times that the ponte's cards is contained in it. Of this problem he enumerates four cases, viz. when the ponte's card is once, twice, three, or four times in the stock. In the first case, the gain of the

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supposing y. In the fourth case, the gain of the banker, or the loss of the Pharisees. 2n-5 21-5 ponte, is supposing n—1×n-3° 2Xn-1×n-3 y=. De Moivre has calculated a table, exhibiting this gain or loss for any particular circumstance of the play; and he observes, that at this play the least disadvantage of the ponte, under the same circumstances of cards remaining in the stock, is when the card of the ponte is but twice in it, the next greater when three times, the next when once, and the greatest when four times. He has also demonstrated, that the whole gain per cent. of the banker, upon all the money that is adventured at this game, is 21. 19s. 10d. See De Moivre's Doctrine of Chances, p. 77, &c. p. 105, &c.

PHAREZ, son of Judah and Tamar (Gen. xxxviii. 27, 28, &c.). Tamar being just ready to lie in, found herself with child of twins. One of them appeared first, and putting his arm out, he immediately drew it back again. The midwife tied a scarlet thread upon his arni, to distinguish him for the first-born; but having with. drawn his hand, his brother got before him into the world: whereupon he was called by his mother Pharez, i. e. one breaking forth; as the other, with the thread on his hand, was called Zarah. The sons of Pharez were Hezron and Hamul (Numb. xxvi. 20, 21.). F. Calmet, upon this article, explains the text as if Pharez, and not Zarah, had put out his hand, and drew it in again.

PHARISEES, a famous sect of the Jews, who distinguished themselves by their zeal for the traditions of the elders, which they derived from the same fountain with the written word itself; pretending that both were delivered to Moses from Mount Sinai, and were therefore both of equal authority. From their rigorous observance of these traditions, they looked upon themselves as more holy than other men; and therefore separated themselves from those whom they thought sinners or profane, so as not to eat or drink with them; and hence, from the Hebrew word pharic, which signifies" to separate," they had the name of Pharisees or Separatists.

This sect was one of the most ancient and considerable among the Jews; but its original is not very well known (A); however, it was in great repute in the time of our Saviour; and must have had its original at the same time with the traditions, and they grew up toIi2 gether,

(A) The Jesuit Serrarius places their first rise about the time of Esdras; because it was then that the Jews first began to have interpreters of their tradition. Maldonat, on the other hand, will not have this sect to have arisen among the Jews till a little before the time of Christ. Others, perhaps, with more probability, refer the origin of the Pharisees to the time of the Maccabees.

Dr Lightfoot thinks, that Pharisaism rose up gradually, from a period which he does not assign, to the maturity of a sect. It is certain, from the account given by Josephus, that in the time of John Hyrcanus, the high priest and prince of the Asmonean line, about 108 years before Christ, the sect was not only formed, but made a considerable figure; and that it had advanced to a high degree of popularity and power about 80 years before Christ. Jos. Ant. lib. xiii. cap. 10. § 5, 6. cap. 15. § 5. and cap 16. § 1. According to Basnage, Hist. of the Jews, book ii. cap. 9. § 2. one Aristobulus, an Alexandrian Jew, and a Peripatetic philosopher, who flourished about 125 years before Christ, and wrote some allegorical commentaries on the scripture, was the author of those traditions, by an adherence to which the Pharisees were principally distinguished from other sects.

Pharisees. gether, till at length they had gained ground so far, that the traditional law swallowed up the written, and those who were the propagators of it the whole bulk of the Jewish nation.

The extraordinary pretences of the Pharisees to righteousness drew after them the common people, who held them in the highest esteem and veneration. Our Saviour frequently, however, charges them with hypocrisy, and making the law of God of no effect through their traditions (Matth. ix. 2. xv. 1-6. xxiii. 13—33. and Luke xi. 39-52.). Several of these traditions are particularly mentioned in the gospel; but they had a vast number more, which may be seen in the Talmud, the whole subject whereof is to dictate and explain those traditions which this sect imposed to be believed and observed.

The Pharisees, contrary to the opinion of the Sadducees, held a resurrection from the dead, and the existence of angels and spirits (Acts xxiii. 8.). But according to Josephus, this resurrection of theirs was no more than a Pythagorean resurrection, that is, of the soul only, by its transmigration into another body, and being born anew with it. From this resurrection they excluded all that were notoriously wicked, being of opinion that the souls of such persons were transmitted into a state of everlasting woe. As to lesser crimes, they held they were punished in the bodies which the souls of those who committed them were next sent into.

Josephus, however, either mistook the faith of his countrymen, or, which is more probable, wilfully misrepresented it, to render their opinions more respected by the Roman philosophers, whom he appears to have on every occasion been desirous to please. The Pharisees had many pagan notions respecting the soul; but Bishop Bull, in his Harmonia Apostolica, has clearly proved, that they held a resurrection of the body, and that they supposed a certain bone to remain uncorrupted, to furnish the matter of which the resurrection body was to be formed. They did not, however, be lieve that all mankind were to be raised from the dead. A resurrection was the privilege of the children of Abraham alone, who were all to rise on Mount Zion; their incorruptible bones, wherever they might be buried, being carried to that mountain below the surface of the earth. The state of future felicity, in which the Pharisees believed, was very gross: They imagined, that men in the next world, as well as in-the present, were to eat and drink, and enjoy the pleasures of love, each being reunited to his former wife. Hence the Sadducee, who believed in no resurrection, and supposed our Saviour to teach it as a Pharisee, very shrewdly urged the difficulty of disposing of the woman who had in this world been the wife of seven husbands. Had the resurrection of Christianity been the Pharisaical resurrection, this difficulty would have been insurmountable; and accordingly we find the people, and even some of the Pharisees themselves, struck with the manner in which our Saviour removed it.

This sect seems to have had some confused notions, probably derived from the Chaldeans and Persians, respecting the pre-existence of souls; and hence it was that Christ's disciples asked him concerning the blind man (John ix. 2.), Who did sin, this man or his parents, that he was born blind?' And when the disciples -told Christ, that some said he was Elias, Jeremias, or 4

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one of the prophets (Matt. xvi. 14.), the meaning can Pharisees only be, that they thought he was come into the world with the soul of Elias, Jeremias, or some other of the old prophets, transmigrated into him. With the Essenes, they held absolute predestination; and with the Sadducees free-will: but how they reconciled, these seemingly incompatible doctrines is nowhere sufficiently explained. The sect of the Pharisees was not extinguished by the ruin of the Jewish commonwealth. The. greatest part of the modern Jews are still of this sect; being as much devoted to traditions or the oral law as their ancestors were. See the articles CABBALISTS, CARAITES, ESSENES, SADDUCEES, &c.

PHARMACA, among the ancients, meant medicated or enchanted compositions of herbs, minerals, &c.. some of which, when taken inwardly, were supposed to cause blindness, madness, love, &c.: others infected by touch; such was the garment sent by Medea to Creusa, prepared secundum artem: and others operated upon persons at a distance. Pharmaca soteria were employ ed as antidotes against these mischievous compositions: Thus the herb moly preserved Ulysses from the magical influence of Circe. The laurel, the rhamnus, the flea-. bane, the jasper-stone, were used for similar purposes. See Potter's Græc. Ant.

PHARMACI, were two persons who were employed in the lustration or purification of cities. Some say they were both men; but others maintain, that a man to represent the males, and a woman to represent the females, performed this office. They performed sacrifice, and wore figs about their necks called oλnades ; those of the men were blackish, and those of the woman white. Figs were an emblem of fertility, which they doubtless prayed for on these solemn occasions.

PHARMACEUTICAL, any thing connected with pharmacy, or the operations or processes employed in the preparation of medicines.

PHARMACOCHEMIA, an old term denoting that part of the chemical art which treats of the preparation of medicines; by way of distinction from that chemistry, which is wholly employed about the transmutation of metals by means of the philosopher's stone; this being called spagirico-chemia.

PHARMACOLOGY, is a treatise of medicines, or the art of preparing, judging of them, &c.

PHARMACOPOEIA (from aquaxor, remedy, and Toy, to make), means a dispensatory, or a treatise describing the preparations of the several kinds of medicines, with their uses, manner of application, &c.

We have various pharmacopoeias, as those of Bauderon, Quercetan, Zwelfer, Charas, Bates, Salmon, Lemery, Lewis, &c. But the Edinburgh, London, and Dublin pharmacopoeias, are chiefly consulted and followed in Britain in the present day.

PHARMACOPOLA, or PHARMACOPEIUS, an apothecary, or a person who prepares and sells medicines; but this word is rarely used but in the way of ridicule. It is composed of paguanov, medicine, and wou, to sell. Hor. Sat. ii. lib. i. ver. 1.

PHARMACUM, Qxguaxer, a medicine or medicament, either of a salutary or deleterious quality.

PHARMACY, the art of preparing, preserving, and compounding medicines. See MATERIA MEDICA. See also PRESCRIPTIONS, Extemporaneous.

PHAROS, (Homer, Strabo, &c.), a small oblong
island,

danus, and both together into the Peneus. Between Pharsalia. Pharsalus and Enipeus, Pompey drew up his men at the fatal battle of Pharsalia.

Pharos island, adjoining to the continent of Egypt, over-against Alexandria. On this island stood a cognominal lightPharsalia. tower, of four sides, each side a stadium in length; and the tower so high as to be seen 100 miles off. Some affirm, each of its four corners rested on a large sea-crab of glass or of hard transparent stone of Ethiopia or Memphis. Others imagine the crabs were only added externally to the base by way of ornament, or as emblematical of its situation and use. The architect was Sostrates the Cnidian, as appears by an inscription on the tower, under Ptolemy Philadelphus, who laid out 800 talents upon it. On account of the port of Alexandria, the entrance to which was difficult and dangerous, the Pharos was called the key of the Egyptian sea, or even of Egypt itself (Lucan): and Pharos, from being a proper name, became an appellative to denote all light houses.

PHAROS, or Phare, a light-house; a pile raise:l near a port, where fire is kept burning in the night, to guide and direct vessels near at hand. The pharos of Alexandria, built in the island of Pharos, at the mouth of the Nile, was anciently very famous, insomuch as to communicate its name to all the rest. This most magnificent tower consisted of several stories and galleries, with a lantern at top, in which a light being continually burning, might be seen for many leagues at sea, and along the coast. It was accounted one of the seven wonders of the world. It was built by the famed architect Sostrates, a native of Chidos, or, according to some, by Deiphanes, the father of Sostrates; and cost Ptolemy Philadelphus 800 talents. The several stories were adorned with columns, ballustrades, galleries of the finest marble and workmanship; to which some add, that the architect had contrived to fasten some looking-glasses so artificially against the highest galleries, that one could see in them all the ships that sailed on the sea for a great way. Instead of which noble structure, one sees now only a kind of irregular castle, without ditches or outworks of any strength, the whole being accommodated to the inequality of the ground on which it stands, and which it seems is no higher than that which it should command. Out of the midst of this clumsy building rises a tower, which serves for a light-house, but which has nothing of the beauty and grandeur of the the old one. The Colossus of Rhodes also served as a pharos.

PHARPAR, or PHARPHAR, is one of the rivers of Damascus, or rather it is an arm of the Barrady or Chrysorrhoas, which waters the city of Damascus and the country about it (2 Kings v. 12.). "Are not Abana and Pharpar, rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel?" The river of Damascus has its fountain in the mountains of Libanus. At its approach to the city it is divided into three arms, one of which passes through Damascus. The other two water the gardens round about, and then reuniting, they lose themselves at four or five leagues from the city, towards the north. See Maundrell's Travels from Aleppo to Jerusalem; see also the articles ABANA and DA

MASCUS.

PHARSALIA, PHARSALIUM, Pharsalus, or Pharsalos, in Ancient Geography, a town of the Phthiotes, a district of Thessaly, near Pheræ and Larissa, to which last place Pompey fled from the plains of Pharsalus; watered by the river Enipeus, which falls into the Api

In this battle, the advantage with respect to numbers was greatly on the side of Pompey. That general himself was on the left with the two legions which Ca sar had returned to him at the beginning of the war. Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, was in the centre, with the legions he had brought from Syria, and the reinforcements sent by several kings and states of Asia. The Cilician legion, and some cohorts which had served in Spain, were in the right, under the command of Afranius. As Pompey's right wing was covered by the Enipeus, he strengthened the left with his slingers, archers, and the 7000 Roman horse, on whom chiefly his party founded their hopes of victory. The whole army was drawn up in three lines, with very little spaces between them. In conformity to this disposition, Cæsar's army was drawn up in the following order: The tenth legion, which had on all occasions signalized itself. above all the rest, was placed in the right wing, and the ninth in the left; but as the latter had been considerably weakened in the action at Dyrrhachium, the eighth legion was posted so near as to be able to support and reinforce it upon occasion. The rest of Cæsar's forces filled up the space between the two wings. Mark Antony commanded the left wing, Sylla the right, and Cneius Domitius Calvinus the main body. As for Cæsar, he posted himself in the right overagainst Pompey, that he might have him always in hist sight.

Thus was the whole plain covered, from Pharsalia to the Enipens, with two armies, dressed and armed after the same manner, and-bearing the same ensigns, the Roman eagles. Pompey observing how well the enemy kept their ranks, expecting quietly the signal of battle, and on the contrary how impatient and unsteady his own men were, running up and down in great disorder for want of experience, he began to be afraid lest his ranks should be broken upon the first onset; and therefore commanded the foot in the front to keep their ground, and quietly wait for the enemy. The two armies, though within reach of each other, kept a mournful silence; but at length the trumpets sounded the charge, and Cæsar's army advanced in good order to begin the attack, being encouraged by the example of one Cains Crastinus, a centurion, who at the head of 120 men, threw himself upon the enemy's first line with incredible fury. This he did to acquit himself of a promise he had solemnly made to Caesar, who, meeting him as he was going out of his tent in the morning, asked him, after some discourse, What his opinion was touching the event of the battle? To which he, stretching out his hand, replied aloud, Thine is the victory, Casar; thou shalt gloriously conquer, and I myself this day will be the subject of thy praise either dead or alive. In pursuance of this promise he broke out of his rank as soon as the trumpet sounded; and, at the head of his company, ran in upon the enemy, and made great slaughter of them. But while he was still pressing forward, forcing his way through the first line, one of Pompey's men ran him in at the mouth with such violence, that the point of his sword. came out at the hind part of his neck. Upon his death Pompey's soldiers took courage, and with great bravery stood the enemy's onset. While the foot were thus

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honours to the body of Crastinus, who had begun the Pharsalia. battle; and ordered his ashes to be deposited in a tomb, which he erected to his memory. On Pompey's side, the number of the dead amounted to 15,000 according to some, and to 25,000 according to others. Cæ. sar took 24,000 prisoners, eight eagles, and 180 ensigns.

Pharsalia. sharply engaged in the centre, Pompey's horse in the left wing marched up confidently; and having first widened their ranks, with a design to surround Cæsar's right wing, charged his cavalry, and forced them to give ground. Hereupon Cæsar ordered his horse to retreat a little, and give way to the six cohorts which he had posted in the rear as a body of reserve. These, upon a signal given, coming up, charged the enemy's horse with that resolution and good order which is peculiar to men who have spent all their lives in camps. They remembered their instructions, not striking at the legs or thighs of the enemy, but aiming only at their faces. This unexpected and new manner of fighting had the desired effect. For the young patricians, whom Casar contemptuously calls the pretty young dancers, not being able to bear the thoughts of having their faces deformed with scars, turned their backs, and, covering their faces with their hands, fled in the utmost confusion, leaving the foot at the mercy of the enemy. Caesar's men did not pursue the fugitives; but charging the foot of that wing, now naked and unguarded, surrounded them, and cut most of them in pieces.

Pompey was so transported with rage, in seeing the flower of his forces thus put to flight or cut in pieces, that he left his army, and retired slowly towards his camp, looking more like a man distracted and beside himself than one who by his exploits had acquired the name of the Great. When he had reached the camp, he retired to his tent without speaking a word to any; and continued there, like one distracted and out of his senses, till his whole army was defeated. Cæsar no sooner saw himself master of the field than he marched to attack the enemy's entrenchments, that Pompey might not have time to recollect himself. When Pompey was t informed that his rival was advancing to attack his entrenchments, he then first seemed to have recovered his senses, and cried out, What, into my camp too! He said no more; but immediately laying aside the marks of his dignity, and putting on such a garment as might best favour his flight, he stole out at the decuman gate, and took the road to Larissa, which city had hitherto shown great attachment to him. In the mean time Cæsar began the attack on the enemy's camp, which was vigorously defended by the cohorts Pompey had left to guard it; but they were at length forced to yield. Cæsar was not a little surprised, when, after having forced the entrenchments, he found the enemy's tents and pavilions richly adorned with carpets and hangings, their couches strewed with flowers, their tables ready spread, and sideboards set out with abundance of plate, bowls, and glasses, and some of them even filled with wine. So great was the confidence of Pompey's party, that they made preparations beforehand for pleasures to be enjoyed after the victory, which they thought certain. In Pompey's tent, Cæsar found the box in which he kept his letters: but, with a moderation and magnanimity worthy of himself, he burnt them all, without reading one; saying, that he had rather be ignorant of crimes, than obliged to punish them.

The next day, when the dead were numbered, it appeared that Cæsar had scarce lost 200 men; among whom were about 30 centurions, whom Cæsar caused to be buried with great solemnity. He did particular

Blair's

PHARSALIA, an epic poem, composed by Lucan on the civil war between Pompey and Cæsar, and particularly on the victory of the latter over the former, of which we have given an account in the preceding article. It is a poem universally acknowledged to have great beauties and great defects; but we are the less capable of estimating its merit as a whole, that either time has deprived us of the last books, or its author has left it incomplete. "The subject of the Pharsalia (says an excellent critic) carries undoubtedly all the Lectures. epic grandeur and dignity: neither does it want unity of object, viz. the triumph of Cæsar over the Roman liberty. In the choice of that subject, he thinks, however, that the author was not happy. The civil wars were too recent to admit in the description of them the embellishments of fiction and machinery. The fables of the gods mixed with the exploits of Caesar and Pompey, instead of raising, would have diminished, the dignity of such well known facts." Another objection to the subject, perhaps more forcible than this, arises from the success of the war and the abilities of the generals. Lucan was a friend to liberty, and wished to raise the character of Pompey and Cato; but in spite of his utmost efforts, they are always eclipsed by the superior talents and consequent success of Cæsar. All his characters, however, are drawn with spirit, and with uncommon regard to truth; and some of the speeches which he puts into the mouths of his heroes are equal for moral sublimity to any thing that is to be found in all antiquity.

"There are in the Pharsalia (continues the critic already quoted) several very poetical and spirited descriptions. But the author's chief strength does not lie either in narration or description. His narration is often dry and harsh; his descriptions are often overwrought, and employed too upon disagreeable objects. His principal merit consists in his sentiments, which are generally noble and striking, and expressed in that glowing and ardent manner which peculiarly distinguishes him. Lucan is the most philosophical and the most public-spirited poet of all antiquity. He was the nephew of the famous Seneca the philosopher; was himself a Stoic; and the spirit of that philosophy breathes throughout his poem. We must observe, too, that he is the only ancient epic poet whom the subject of his poem really and deeply interested. Lucan recounted no fiction. He was a Roman, and had felt all the direful effects of the Roman civil wars, and of that severe despotism which succeeded the loss of liberty. His high and bold spirit made him enter deeply into this subject, and kindle, on many occasions, into the most real warmth. Hence, he abounds in exclamations and apostrophes, which are almost always well-timed, and supported with a vivacity and fire that do him no small honour.

"But it is the fate of this poet, that his beauties can never be mentioned, without their suggesting his blemishes also. As his principal excellency is a lively and

glowing

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