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remark, that there are natural causes which would mitigate the evil of the transition. Though many of the countries which exclude our manufactures are fitted by nature for the growth and exportation of corn, they could hardly export a considerable quantity without a previous extension and improvement of their agriculture. As this extension and improvement (with the increase of capital and population which they suppose) would not be the work of a moment, none of those countries could supply us with a considerable quantity for some considerable time after the opening of our ports. To this it may be added, that the extension and improvement would enhance the cost of production; and owing to this cause, and to the cost of transport, the price of foreign corn in English markets would be necessarily much higher than is commonly imagined. If these natural causes were aided by a temporary protection, the evil of the transition would be unimportant, as compared with the probable mischief of persisting in the restrictive policy; and it would be amply compensated, at the long run, by the increase in the general demand for domestic agricultural products which freedom of trade would create.

The end of the measure would be very imperfectly accomplished, unless the nations of continental Europe and the United States of America followed the example given them by England. We believe, however, that these countries would relinquish their protective system, if England abandoned her restrictive policy and we will shortly assign the reasons on which

our conviction is founded.

In the first place, we believe that the governments of these countries are inclined to the principle of free trade. We presume that most of the men by whom these governments are conducted, are men of superior abilities and superior acquirements; and we infer from this reasonable presumption, that they see the mischiefs and absurdities of the opposite policy. With regard to the German (and especially the Prussian) statesmen, our conviction is confirmed by incidental admissions occurring in the volume before

us.

It is manifestly the opinion of Dr List, that they are infected, to a lamentable extent, with cosmopolitical errors; and he manifestly fears that they would abandon the protective system, unless the opinion of the country compelled them to adhere to it. Although the governments in question thought the protective system advantageous to their subjects, the financial difficulties by which they are generally embarrassed, would incline them to the principle of free trade; for, if their import duties on foreign manufactured articles were considerably reduced, the re

duction would be followed by an importation which would yield them a considerable revenue.

Nor would the inclination of the government be thwarted by the dispositions of their subjects, if England were wise enough to abandon her restrictive policy. If she offered a steady demand for the raw products of the countries in question, the people generally, and the agricultural classes in particular, would soon perceive the inexpediency of their protective system. Their misapprehensions of national interests, their resentment at her exclusion of their raw products, and the errors instilled into them by their own manufacturers, would speedily yield to their pecuniary interests. They would soon tire of a system which deprived them of cheap manufactures, and excluded them from the best market for the products of their agriculture. With regard to Germany, our conviction (we are happy to say) coincides with the opinion which is visibly entertained by our author. To prove that Germany should adhere to her protective system, though England relinquished her restrictive policy, is one of his principal objects; and we fairly presume, from the desperate energy with which he labours the topic, that he thinks the German agriculturists would sicken of the system if the markets of England were constantly open to their products.

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If England adopted the principle of free trade, her mere example would determine the countries in question to relinquish their protective system. The misapprehensions of national interests which lie at the bottom of the system, have been propagated or strengthened in those countries by her authority; since it is commonly imagined by the majority of their people, that she owes her economical prosperity to her prohibitory and restrictive policy. If she abandoned the policy, her authority would extinguish the errors which it has propagated or confirmed. Disabused by her wisdom of the mischievous illusions into which they have been led by her folly, the majority of the people in those countries would arrive at just apprehensions of their own interests; and having lost the support which it finds in their present misconceptions, the protective system would rest upon nothing but the sinister interests of the manufacturing classes.

We have been provoked by its pernicious tendency, and still more by its malevolent spirit, to do unsparing justice on this incendiary volume. It may possibly be supposed by our general readers, that the unceremonious manner in which we have handled the author, evinces a want of that respect which is due to his country. We should merit the contempt with which we have

treated his book, if we were capable of retorting upon Germany the slightest of the insults which he has heaped upon England; and we therefore beg leave to assure them, that the possible supposition would be groundless. Germany is one of the countries which we respect the most, and to which we are the most attached; having found in the works of her philosophers, her historians, and her scholars, exhaustless mines of knowledge and instruction, and exhaustless sources of pleasure or consolation. Above all, we admire the spirit of comprehensive humanity which generally runs through the writings of her classical authors; and it is one of our causes of quarrel with Dr List, that he labours to diffuse a spirit of exclusive and barbarous nationality in the country of Liebnitz, Kant, and Lessing.

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ERRATA.

Page 311, line 6 from top of the page, for Malabar, read Coromandel.

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422, and throughout the Article, for Mellingen read Millingen.

Number CLIII, will be Published in October.

LIST OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

From April to June, 1842.

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