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RICHARD SAILS FOR PALESTINE.

chequered his intercourse with the people of the island and with his fellow-crusaders. Nevertheless, it would appear that Richard had risen in the estimation of the Sicilians. His prowess and his power had daunted, his wealth and his magnificence surprised them, his firmness and vigour had won their respect, and his liberality conciliated their regard. Thus, from all accounts, the people of Messina were loud in their expressions of admiration, when, at length, his navy prepared to take the seas, and Richard ended his residence amongst them by an act which tended to atone, if not to obliterate, some of his more harsh proceedings, and caused the fortress which he had erected for the purpose of overawing Messina to be demolished by the hands that raised it. He sailed from that port on the 10th of April, 1191, on the Wednesday after Palm Sunday, and, with a favourable wind, took his course towards the shores of Palestine.

[Note, see p. 245.]-Little is accurately known of the early history of William of Longchamp, Bishop of Ely and Chancellor of England. The best account of him that I have met with is in the Archæologia, vol. xxvii. p. 112; but I am inclined to believe that even here there is an error, although I am not prepared to state positively that such is the case. It would appear that Longchamp was the son of an agricultural labourer in Normandy; the steps by which he first rose so as to be preferred to the services of a prince are unknown; but we find that he was attached to the household of a son of Henry II. named Geoffrey. The writer in the Archæologia concludes that this was the natural son of that king by Rosamond Clifford, but it is by no means probable that such should be the case; for, from the Geoffrey here mentioned, he went at once into the service of Richard before his accession, and remained attached to him, receiving, one by one, the highest honours the king could give. Now, no intimacy, but on the contrary, hostility, existed between Richard and Geoffrey, afterwards Archbishop of York, at least during the latter years of the reign of Henry II., and therefore it was not likely that the Count of Poictou should receive an officer into his closest confidence at that brother's recommendation. On the other hand, the greatest affection, with very little interruption, subsisted between Richard and his brother Geoffrey Plantagenet, the father of Arthur. It is exceedingly probable, therefore, that at Geoffrey's death, in Paris, one of his attached friends and faithful servants should be transferred to Richard's household. At all events, Longchamp rose rapidly in the esteem of Richard, and at or before the death of Henry, he was created the young prince's private chancellor. A charter is cited in favour of Gerard de Camville, signed at Barfleur, as Richard, after his father's death, was proceeding to England for his coronation. It is authenticated in a curious manner, "per manum Wilhelmi Cancellarii mei," showing that at this time the monarchs of England did not take the style and title of king till after their coronation. It has been sufficiently established by Sir Harris Nicolas, that the reign of the early kings of England after the Conquest did not commence de facto on the death or deposition of the preceding monarch, and generally not till the coronation of his successor. Sir Harris Nicolas traces this back to the reign of John, and rightly presumes that the custom was of still earlier date. Thus we

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find Richard, after his father's death, does not use the words "Our Chancellor" as he would have done had he considered himself de facto king, upon his father's death, but he uses the simple words which he probably employed before, "My Chancellor." In page 128 of this volume I have shown, from Diceto, that a form of election, different from the ordinary form of presenting the sovereign to the people at the present day, was practised at the coronation of Richard; and there can be no doubt that such a ceremony gave additional solemnity to the compact between the monarch and his subjects. It was an acknowledgment, in fact, that his rights were derived from them, and that his title was neither founded in right of conquest, nor in the still more questionable right divine. I may add, that almost all the contemporary historians, especially those who noted the facts of the day as they occurred, call Richard merely Duke of Normandy, from the time of his father's death to the day of his coronation. Though some continue to call him Count of Poictou, yet the fact that many and the best informed chroniclers give him the title of Duke of Normandy, which he did not possess till Henry's death, and withhold the title of King of England till after his coronation, is not without its value.

BOOK XV.

THE magnificent fleet of the King of England, when it quitted the shores of Sicily, called forth expressions of wonder and pride from all the English contemporary writers who either witnessed its departure or heard its fame in distant lands; but it is very difficult to ascertain the exact number of vessels which it comprised. Hoveden assures us that Richard was accompanied by a hundred and fifty large ships, and fifty three galleys; but the account of Richard of Devizes, who seems to have paid particular attention to the naval affairs of his time, is somewhat different. That author only specifies the number of ships in seven of the divisions of Richard's fleet, making in all one hundred and eighty; but he adds, "in the last division followed the king, with his own galleys." The order and arrangement of the ships and of their several divisions, at the time they sailed from Messina, were such that, from one squadron to another, the sound of a trumpet could be heard, and from one ship to another the voice of a man was audible.* The three leading vessels, it would appear, were of the largest class of that day, and of the kind called Dro

* Richard of Devizes. Vinesauf marks that, by Richard's order, the lighter and swifter ships were delayed for the heavier vessels.

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mones, which was furnished with towers raised upon the deck, for the purpose of showering missiles into an enemy's ship. In one of these, Joan Queen of Sicily, and the fair Berengaria, took their passage, while Richard himself brought up the rear in another vessel. The king's treasure was also contained in one of the dromones; and the first division was under the command of Robert of Torneham, a celebrated knight, who was aided by a number of distinguished officers, and furnished with sufficient forces for the defence of his ships. All seemed favourable for the progress of the royal armament; and during the first few days nothing occurred to cloud Richard's hopes and expectations but the gradual subsidence of the wind, which forced him to anchor upon the coast of Calabria, where he remained becalmed till Good Friday. On that day, however, one of those storms to which the Mediterranean is occasionally subject, assailed the English fleet, and forced the monarch to put to sea, to escape the dangers of an unknown and rocky coast. This measure of precaution, it would appear, however, was not taken till the wind, which had become adverse, returned into a more favourable quarter ; but the tempest still continued, so that the order of the fleet was entirely lost, and the vessels dispersed in all directions. Terror, confusion, and sea-sickness spread amongst the military pilgrims; but the king himself never lost his presence of mind, nor ceased to encourage his men, and exhort them to patience and perseverance. Displaying an immense lantern during the night, to guide the other ships, the royal vessel now led the way, and, running before the wind, reached the shores of Crete on the Wednesday after Easter Sunday. There Richard anchored, and landed, looking anxiously for the appearance of the rest of his fleet. A great number did not appear; and on the Thursday, in the midst of another tempest, the English monarch sailed for Rhodes. At first no port was to be found, and the storm continuing, the fleet was in great danger till the Monday following, when Richard landed in the island. Here the king also waited for several days, in the hope of being joined by the vessels which had been dispersed. Several, however, were still missing, when Richard again set sail from Rhodes; and it is probable that the monarch had by this time learned the fate of that squadron of his fleet, with which was the great vessel containing his sister

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and his bride.* It would appear that the fleet was again delayed by tempests, but at length, with a more favourable wind, it made its way towards Cyprus, meeting on the voyage a large ship from Acre, and receiving intelligence of the arrival of the French king before that city. On the 5th of May, Richard himself anchored off Limesol, and was speedily informed of events which might well raise the utmost fury in his quick and impetuous spirit.

Several of the largest vessels which had set sail with the king from Messina had been driven by the tempest to the coast of Cyprus, and threet of them had been wrecked upon its inhospitable shore, not far from the port of Limisso, or Limesol. Many of the distinguished crusaders perished in the shipwrecked vessels, and, amongst the rest, Roger de Malus-catulus, or Mauchael, the keeper of the king's seal,+ which it would appear was suspended round his neck at the time of his death. A much greater number, however, reached the land alive, but were almost immediately attacked by the people of the island, by whom several of them were slain, while the rest were driven into a castle or church,§ in the neighbourhood of Limesol, after having been despoiled of their arms and property of all kinds. A few, indeed, contrived to carry in with them their bows and daggers, which proved their salvation, for the Cypriots kept a strict watch upon them, and not only neglected to supply them with necessary food, but actually seized that which was sent on shore by the commander of one of the other ships, applying it to their own use, and leaving their prisoners to perish of

* Vinesauf does not particularly mention this fact, but he states that Richard inquired anxiously in regard to the character of Isaac, called Emperor of Cyprus; and Hoveden tells us that he sent galleys to seek for the vessel of the two queens, which was found anchored off the shores of Cyprus.

+ Vinesauf says, three; Richard of Devizes only names two, and states distinctly that the two large vessels which, together with that of the queens, formed the advance guard of Richard's fleet, were separated from the other squadrons by the tempest, and driven to Cyprus.

Berington erroneously calls him the chancellor. Hoveden more properly calls him vice-chancellor; and Vinesauf accurately, "regis sigillifer." His name is written variously. Sometimes Malus-catulus in one part of a charter, and Mauchael in another. This is probably the origin of the name, Machel.

§ Richard of Devizes says, "in quandam ecclesiam." Vinesauf gives a different account, does not speak of the slaughter, but says: "Sub prætextu pacis admiserunt gaudentes indigenæ, et tanquam compatientes eorum infortunio, deduxerunt in quoddam, castellum vicinum reficiendos."

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WILY CONDUCT OF THE EMPEROR OF CYPRUS.

hunger. In these circumstances the crusaders resolved rather to die in the field than within the walls of the castle. They consequently issued forth, and, aided, it would seem, by a few men from the queens' ship, dispersed their enemies, and made their way to the gates of Limesol.

Information having been given to the emperor of all that had taken place, he hastened from the interior to negotiate with the gallant strangers who had been cast upon his inhos. pitable island. Affecting kindness and liberality, and excusing the conduct of his subjects, on the plea of their uncivilised condition and little intercourse with strangers, the wily Greek seduced the shipwrecked crusaders into Limesol, and there, in a position where their few bows could be of no service, and the use of their daggers could only end in their own destruction, he made them all prisoners. The craft of the house of Comnenus found a worthy representative in the Cyprian emperor; and he proceeded immediately to deal in the same spirit with the Queen of Sicily and Berengaria,

Shattered by tempests, and in a very unsafe condition, the vessel of the princesses still lay off the port, though the winds had but little abated, and the seas were by no means calm. We are informed by Vinesauf, that the emperor used every artful device in order to lure Joan and Berengaria into the city; sending them presents of wine and fresh provisions, and giving them the most solemn assurance of safety and protection. During three days he never ceased his solicitations, collecting in the mean while all the forces of his empire in the neighbourhood of Limesol. The commanders of the royal ship, however, had by this time heard of the fate of their companions on shore, and had perhaps also received intelligence that a large army was assembling near the city. On every side the position of the princesses was dangerous: their vessel could not put to sea, in its shattered condition; if they trusted themselves in the hands of the fraudulent Greek, there was every probability of their being immediately imprisoned, to wait as hostages for Richard's arrival; if they positively refused to land, they were likely to be attacked in the roads by the vessels of Cyprus. To delay as long as possible a definitive answer was the safest course they could adopt; and they accordingly suffered Isaac to entertain some expectation of their landing in a few days, in the