44 and civil life, the knowledge of which is necessarily in the hands ance. rich rewards. The way in which the ulemă are recruited and formed into a hierarchy with a vigorous esprit de corps throws an instructive light on the whole subject before us. The brilliant days are past when the universities of Damascus, Bagdad, Nishapur, Cairo, Kairawan, Seville, Cordova, were thronged by thousands of students of theology, when a professor had often hundreds or even, like Bukhari, thousands of hearers, and when vast estates in the hands of the clergy fed both masters and scholars. Of the great universities but one survives-the Azhar mosque at Cairo-where thousands of students still gather to follow a course of study which gives an accurate picture of the Mahommedan ideal of theological education. The students of theology generally begin their course in early youth, but not seldom in riper years. Almost all come from the lowest orders, a few from the middle classes, and none Theological from the highest ranks of society-a fact which in Students. itself excludes all elements of freer and more refined education. These sons of poor peasants, artisans or tradesmen are already disposed to narrow fanaticism, and generally take up study as a means of livelihood rather than from genuine religious interest. The scholar appears before the president's secretary with his poor belongings tied up in a red handkerchief, and after a brief interrogatory is entered on the list of one of the four orthodox rites-Shafi'ite, Hanifite, Malikite and Hanbalite (see MAHOMMEDAN LAW). If he is lucky he gets a sleeping-place within the mosque, a chest to hold his things, and a daily ration of bread. The less fortunate make shift to live outside as best they can, but are all day in the mosque, and are seldom deserted by Moslem charity. Having kissed the hands of the sheikh and teachers of his school, the pupil awaits the beginning of the lectures. For books a few compendiums suffice him. Professors and students gather every morning for the daily prayer; then the professors take their seats at the foot of the pillars of the great court and the students crouch on mats at their feet. The beginner takes first a course in the grammar of classical Arabic, for he has hitherto learned only to read, write and count. The rules of grammar are read out in the memorial verses of the Ajrumiya, and the teacher adds an exposition, generally read from a printed commentary. The student's chief task is to know the rules by heart; this accomplished, he is dismissed at the end of the year with a certificate (juza), entered in his textbook, which permits him to teach it to others. The second year is devoted to dogmatic (kalám and tawhid), taught in the same mechanical way. The dogmas of Islam are not copious, and the attributes of God are the chief 1 Von Kremer, Gesch. d. herrschenden Ideen d. Islams, p. 464 (Leipzig, 1868). subject taken up. They are demonstrated by scholastic dialectic, deems himself a pillar of the faith. The study of law (figh), which and at the end of his second year the student, receiving his certificate, rests on Koran and tradition, is more difficult and complex, and begins, but is often not completed, in the third year. The student had learned the Koran by heart at school and has often repeated it since, but only now is the sense of its words explained to him. Of the traditions of the Prophet he has learned something incidentally in other lectures; he is now regularly introduced to their vast artificial system. From these two sources are derived all religious and civil laws, for Islam is a political as well as a religious institution. The five main points of religious law," the pillars of Islam," have been enumerated in the article MAHOMMEDAN RELIGION; the civil law, on the development of which Roman law had some influence, is treated under heads similar to those of Western jurisprudence. It is here that the differences between the four schools come most into notice: the Hanifite praxis is the least rigorous, then the Shafi'ite; the Hanbalites, whose system is the strictest, have practically disappeared in the Malikites. The Hanifite rite is official in the Turkish Empire, and is followed in all government offices whenever a decision still depends on the sacred law, as well as by all Mahommedans of Turkish race. In this as in the previous studies a compendium is and noted down by the students word for word. The professors learned by heart, and explanations are given from commentaries are expressly forbidden to add anything of their own. The recognized books of jurisprudence, some of which run to over twenty folio volumes, are vastly learned, and occasionally show sound sense, but excel mainly in useless hair-splitting and feats of scholastic Besides the three main disciplines the student takes up according to his tastes other subjects, such as rhetoric (ma'ānī wabayān), logic (mantiq), prosody (arud), and the doctrine of the correct pronunciation of the Koran (qira'a watajwid). After three or four years, fortified with the certificates of his various professors, he seeks a place in a law-court or as a teacher, preacher, cadi, or mufti of a village or minor town, or else one of the innumerable posts of confidence for which the complicated ceremonial of Mahommedanism foundations. A place is not hard to find, for the powerful corporademands a theologian, and which are generally paid out of pious tion of the ulema seeks to put its own members into all posts, and, though the remuneration is at first small, the young 'alim gradually accumulates the revenues of several offices. Gifts, too, fall in, and reputation for piety. The commonalty revere him and kiss his with his native avarice and economy he rises in wealth, position and hand; the rich show him at least outward respect; and even the government treats him as a person to whom consideration is due for his influence with the masses. This sketch of his education is enough to explain the narrowmindedness of the 'alim. He deems all non-theological science to be vain or hurtful, has no notion of progress, and regards true science-i.e. theology-as having reached finality, so that a new supercommentary or a new students' manual is the only thing that is perhaps still worth writing. How the mental faculties are blunted such an education is enough to spoil the best head. All originality by scholasticism and mere memory work must be seen to be believed; is crushed out and a blind and ludicrous dependence on written tradition-even in things profane-takes its place. Acuteness degenerates into hair-splitting and clever plays on words after the manner of the rabbins. The Azhar students not seldom enter government offices and even hold important administrative posts, but they never lose the stamp of their education-the narrow, unteachable spirit, incapable of progress, always lost in external details, and never able to grasp principles and get behind forms to the substance of a matter. Schools. Yet it is but a small fraction of the ulema of the Moslem world that enjoy even such an education as the Azhar affords. It draws few students from foreign parts, where the local schools are of the poorest kind, except in India (thanks to a British government) and perhaps in Constantinople. Bokhara was once a chief seat of learning, but is now so sunk in narrow fanaticism that its eighty madrasas (medresses) with their 5000 students only turn out a bigoted and foolish clergy (Vámbéry). But for this very reason Bokhara is famed as a luminary of pure theology and spreads its influence over Turkestan, Siberia, China, Kashmir, Afghanistan, and even over India. Minor schools attached to mosques are found in other places, but teach still less than the great schools already mentioned. Except in India, where it is controlled by the government, 2 In 1878 seventeen lecture-rooms of the Azhar had 3707 students, of whom only 64 came from Constantinople and the northern parts of Bagdad, 12 from Kurdistan, and 7 from India with its thirty of the Ottoman Empire, 8 from North Arabia, 1 from the government million Sunnites. In Kazan also the standard of learning seems to have been raised by Russian and Western scholars. The madrasa is here a college, generally attached to a mosque, with lands whose revenues provide the means of instruction and in part also food and residence for scholars and teachers. of the ulema, viz. the mufti or pronouncer of fatwas. A fatwa is a decision according to Koran and Sunna, but without reasons, on an abstract case of law which is brought before the mufti by appeal from the cadi's judgment or by reference from the cadi himself. For example, a dispute between master and slave may be found by the cadi to turn on the general question, "Has Zaid, the master of 'Amr, the absolute right to dispose of his slave's earnings?" When this is put to the mufti, the answer will be simply "Yes," and from this decision there is no appeal, so that the mufti is supreme judge in his own district. The grand mufti of Constantinople is, as we have seen, nominated by the sultan, but his hold on the people makes him quite an independent power in the state; in Cairo he is not even nominated by the government, but each school of law chooses its own sheikh, who is also mufti, and the Hanifite is head mufti because his school is official in the Turkish Empire. Modern the organization of the priestly and judicial persons trained | on it, and is answerable only to a member of the third class in the schools is a compromise between what theological principles dictate and what the státe demands. Neither Caliphate and Koran nor Sunna distinguishes between temporal Temporal and spiritual powers, and no such distinction was Sove known as long as the caliphs acted in all things as reignty. successors of the prophets and heads of the community of the faithful. But, as the power of the 'Abbasids declined. (see article CALIPHATE, ad fin.) and external authority fell in the provinces into the hands of the governors and in the capital into those of the amir al-omard, the distinction became more and more palpable, especially when the Buyids, who were disposed to Shi'ite views, proclaimed themselves sultans, i.e. possessors of all real authority. The theologians tried to uphold the orthodox theory by declaring the sultanate to be subordinate to the imamate or sovereignty of the caliphs, and dependent on the latter especially in all religious matters; but their artificial theories have never modified facts. The various dynasties of sultans (Buyids, Ghaznevids, Seljuks, and finally the Mongols) never paid heed to the caliphs, and at length abolished them; but the fall of the theocracy only increased the influence of the clergy, the expounders and practical administrators of that legislation of Koran and Sunna which had become part of the life of the Mahommedan world. The Mamelukes in Egypt tried to make their own government appear more legitimate by nominally recognizing a continuation of the spiritual dignity of the caliphate in a surviving branch of the 'Abbasid line which they protected, and in 923 A.H. (1517) the Ottoman Selim, who destroyed the Mameluke power, constrained the 'Abbasid Motawakkil III., who lived in Cairo, to make over to him his nominal caliphate. The Ottoman sultans still bear the title of "successors of the Prophet," and still find it useful in foreign relations, since there is or may be some advantage in the right of the caliph to nominate the chief cadi (kāḍī) of Egypt and in the fact that the spiritual head of Khiva calls himself only the nakib (vicegerent) of the sultan.' In India too the sultan owes something perhaps to his spiritual title. But among his own subjects he is compelled to defer to the úlema and has no considerable influence on the composition of that body. He nominates the Sheikh ul-Islam or mufti (q.v.) of Constantinople (grand mufti), who is his représentative in the imamate and issues judgments in points of faith and law from which there is no appeal; but the nomination must fall on one of the mollahs,2 who form the upper stratum of the hierarchy of ulema. And, though the various places of religious dignity are conferred by the sultan, no one can hold office who has not been examined and certified by older ulema, so that the corporation is self-propagating, and palace intrigues, though not without influence, can never break through its iron bonds. The deposition of 'Abd ul-Aziz is an example of the tremendous power that can be wielded by the ulema at the head of their thousands of pupils, when they choose to stir up the masses; nor would Maḥmūd II. in 1826 have ventured to enter on his struggle with the janissaries unless he had had the hierarchy with him. Judicial The student who has passed his examinations at Constantinople or Cairo may take up the purely religious office of imām (president in worship) or khalib (preacher) at a mosque. These offices, however, are purely ministerial, are not necessarily limited to students, and give no place in the hierarchy and no particular consideration or social status. On the other hand, he may become a judge or cadi. Every place of any importance has at least one cadi, who is nominated by the government, but has no further dependence 1 Till the Russians gained preponderating influence the khan of Khiva also acknowledged the sultan as his suzerain. Mollah is the Perso-Turkish pronunciation of the Arabic maula, literally "patron," a term applied to heads of orders and other religious dignitaries of various grades. Called in Constantinople softa, Persian sökhta, burned up, scil., with zeal or love to God. In Egypt before the time of Sa'id Pasha (1854-1863) the local judges were appointed by the chief cadi of Cairo, who is sent from Constantinople. Since then they have been nominated by the Egyptian government. All this gives the judges great private and political influence. But the former is tainted by venality, which, aggravated by the scantiness of judicial salaries or in some cases by the judge having no salary at all, is almost universal among the administrators of justice. Their political influence, again, which arises from the fusion of private and political law in Koran and Sunna, is highly inconvenient to the state, and often becomes intolerable now that relations with Western states are multiplied. And even in such distant parts as Central Asia the law founded on the conditions of the Prophet's lifetime proves so unsuited to modern life that cases are often referred to civil authorities rather than to canonical jurists. Thus a customary law ('orf) has there sprung up side by side with the official sacred law (shari'a), much to the displeasure of the mollahs. In Turkey, and above all in Egypt, it has been found necessary greatly to limit the sphere and influence of the canonical jurists and to introduce institutions nearer to Western legal usage. We do not here speak of the paper constitutions (khait-i-sherif) and the like, created to impose upon Western diplomatists, but of such things as consular and commercial courts, criminal codes, and so forth. The official hierarchy, strong as it is, divides its power with the dervishes. A religion which subdues to itself a race with strongly marked individuality is always influenced in cultus and dogma by the previous views and tendencies of that race, to which it must in some measure accommodate itself. Mahomet himself made a concession to heathen traditions when he recognized the Ka'ba and the black stone; and the worship of saints, which is now spread throughout Islam and supported by obviously forged traditions, is an example of the same thing. So too are the religious orders now found everywhere except in some parts of Arabia. Mystical tendencies in Mahommedanism arose mainly on Persian soil (sce ȘUFIISM), and Von Kremer has shown that these Eastern tendencies fell in with a disposition to asceticism and flight from the world which had arisen among the Arabs before Islam under Christian influence. Intercourse with India had given Persian mysticism Dervishes. Şüfis and the form of Buddhistic monkery, while the Arabs imitated the Christian anchorites; thus the two movements had an inner kinship and an outer form so nearly identical that they naturally coalesced, and that even the earliest organizations of orders of dervishes, whether in the East or the West, appeared to Mahommedan judgment to be of one type. Thus, though the name of Șufi (see ȘUFIISM) is first applied to Abū Hashim, who died in Syria in 150 A.H. (767), we find it transferred without question to the mystical brotherhood which appears in Khorasan under Abū Sa'id about 200 A.H. (815/816). Yet these two schools of Şüfis were never quite similar; on Sunnite soil Şüfüism could not openly impugn orthodox views, while in Persia it was saturated with Shi'ite heresy and the pantheism of the extreme devotees of 'Ali. Thus there have always been two kinds of Sufis, and, though the course of history and the wandering habits which various orders borrowed from Buddhism Zaid and 'Amr are the Caius and Sempronius of Arabian law, Op. cit. p. 52 seq. have tended to bring them closer to one another, we still find that of the thirty-six chief orders three claim an origin from the caliph Abubekr, whom the Sunnites honour, and the rest from 'Ali, the idol of the Shi'ites. Mystic absorption in the being of God, with an increasing tendency to pantheism and ascetic practices, are the main scope of all Şüfüism, which is not necessarily confined to members of orders; indeed the secret practice of contemplation of the love of God and contempt of the world is sometimes viewed as specially meritorious. And so ultimately the word şufi has come to denote all who have this religious direction, while those who follow the special rules of an order are known as dervishes (beggars, in Arabic fuqarā, sing. faqir -names originally designating only the mendicant orders). In Persia at the present day a Şūfi is much the same as a freethinker.2 BIBLIOGRAPHY.-The work of Shahrastāni (q.v.) on the Moslem sects: A. von Kremer, Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islams (Leipzig, 1868); I. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien, vol. ii. (Halle, 1890); D. B. Macdonald, Muslim Theology (London, 1903); the Hidaya (trans. C. Hamilton, 2nd ed., London, 1870); N. B. E. Baillie, A Digest of Muhammadan Law (London, 1865); E. Sachau, Muhammadanisches Recht nach Schafiitischer Lehre (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1897); El-Bokhari, les traditions islamiques (trans. by Houdas and Marçais, Paris, 1903); Lane, An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (London, 1836). For the organization of the 'ulema in the Ottoman Empire during the middle ages see E. J. W. Gibb, A History of Ottoman Poetry, ii. 394 sqq. (London 1902). (A. MU.; R. A. N.) SUNSHINE. As a meteorological element sunshine requires some conventional definition. There is uninterrupted continuance of gradation from the burning sunshine of a tropical noon to the pale luminosity that throws no shadow, but just identifies the position and shape of the sun through the thin cloud of northern skies. The Campbell-Stokes Sunshine Recorder.-In the British Isles the sun is allowed to be its own timekeeper and the scorch of a specially prepared card used as the criterion for bright sunshine. The practice arose out of the use of the sunshine recorder which depends upon the scorching effect of a glass sphere in the sun's rays. The original form of the instrument was suggested by J. F. Campbell of Islay in 1857. He used a glass sphere within a hemispherical bowl of wood. The scorching of the wood along successive lines of the bowl as the sun alters its declination from solstice to solstice leaves a rugged monument of the duration and intensity of the sunshine during the half-year, but does not lend itself to numerical measurement. The design of a metal frame to carry movable cards and thus give a decipherable record of each day's sunshine is due to Sir G. G. Stokes. The excursions of the sun to the north and south of the equator are limited by the tropical circles, and the solar record on the hemispherical bowl will be confined within a belt 23° 27′ north and south of the plane through the centre parallel to the equator or perpendicular to the polar axis. Thus a belt 46° 54′ in angular width will be suitable for a sunshine recorder for any part of the world. Whatever place be chosen for the observation the same belt will do if it is set up perpendicular to the earth's polar axis. But there can be no record if the sun is below the horizon; hence any part of the belt projecting above the horizon is not only useless for recording but is liable to shadow a part of the belt where there might be a record. Hence to meet the requirements of a particular locality the belt as set up round the polar axis should be cut in two by a horizontal plane through the centre and the half projecting above the horizontal removed. Reversed it makes a half belt, exactly similar to what is left, and thus each complete belt is cut by a horizontal plane through the centre into two frames suitable for sunshine recorders for the particular locality. The cutting of the belt may, of course, vary between the direct transverse cut along the polar axis which gives a half-ring belt to be set vertical in order to receive the record for a point on the equator, and the cut perpendicular to the polar axis which 1 These claims to early origin are mere fables, like the claim of the Oweisi order to spring from Oweis, one of the oldest traditionalists, and so forth. For the dervish orders see DERVISH. divides the belt into two similar rings suitable for recording the sunshine at the poles. Clearly, when the belt is so cut that two complete rings are formed, a continuous record of sunshine throughout the twenty-four hours may be expected, so that for the polar circles the cut will run diagonally between opposite points of the extreme circles of the sun's records. As examples of the cutting of the belt for different latitudes we may put side by side the recorder as used in temperate latitudes (fig. 1) and FIG. 1.-Campbell-Stokes Sunshine Recorder. the special form designed in the Meteorological Office, London, for use on the National Antarctic Expedition, 1901-1904 (fig. 2). A belt cut for a particular latitude is serviceable for some 10° Antarctic Sunshine Recorder, to carry 24-hour record. FIG. 2.-Antarctic Sunshine Recorder, to carry 12-hour record. on either side of that latitude if the cards are not trimmed too adjusted round the parallel to the polar axis. If the cut of the closely to the cutting of the belt. The belt must always be belt is too oblique for the latitude of the place where it is exposed, and the cards are cut strictly to the belt, the northern side of the cut will be below the horizon and the southern side above it, do (From the Observer's Handbook, by permission of the Controller of of different shape for different times of the year. The equinoctial Instruments differ according to the means provided for mounting or adjusting the positions of the belt or sphere, and in that known as the Whipple Casella instrument 30 " regard to the equinoctial card. The section of the supporting surface by a plane through the polar axis is to be as in fig. 3. glass, colourless, or of a very pale yellow tint. The diameter 4 in. The Sphere.-The material for the sphere must be crown The weight between 2-92 and 3.02 lb. The focal length from the centre of the sphere to the geometrical focus for parallel rays should be between 2.96 in. and 2.99 in. Measurement of the Sunshine Record. It was mentioned that the Campbell-Stokes recorder involves a conventional definition of sunshine. The recorded day of sunshine is less than the actual time during which the sun is above the horizon by about twenty minutes at sunrise and sunset on account of the want of burning power of a very low sun. Some further convention is necessary in order to obtain a tabulation of the records which will serve as the basis of a comparison of results for climatological purposes. The spot which is scorched on the card by the sun is not quite limited to the image of the sun, and a few seconds of really strong sunshine will produce a circular burn which is hardly distinguishable in size from that of a minute's record. tion of the actual duration of burning is very probable. Strictly (See fig. 4.) Consequently with intermittent sunshine exaggeraspeaking measurements ought to be between the diameters of the circular ends of the burns, but the practice of measuring all the trace that can be distinctly recognized as scorched has become almost universal in Great Britain, and appears to to give a working basis of comparisons. C 23qmvå ylihinoM—ð. „or? FIG. 4-Records obtained by exposing can Campbell-Stokes Sunshine Recorder for measured intervals varying from one second to thirty minutes. The duration of the exposure of the separate burns increases from right to left of the the fixed belt is replaced by a movable card holder. The chiefagram. mgog salestory nogu indri sås til bong700.90 advantage of Stokes's specification is the simplicity of the use of the instrument when once it has been properly adjusted and fixed. It is essential that the glass sphere should be of the proper size and refractive index to give an image of the sun on the prepared card or within the 20th of an inch of it nearer the centre. It is also essential that the cards used should not only be of suitable material but also of the right dimensions for the bowl. The colour and material of the cards were selected by Stokes in consultation with Warren De la Rue, who was at that time his colleague on the Meteorological Council, and the cards used by the meteorological office are still supplied by Messrs De la Rue & Co. Accuracy in the comparative measurements of sunshine by this method depends upon the proper adjustment of the dimensions of the different constituent parts of the recorder and accordingly the following specification of standard dimensions has been adopted by the meteorological office. The Time Scale.-On the time scale of the equinoctial card twelve hours are represented by 9.00 in.. 9 10 II Noon 1 2 Aria un donzia daite munah s ni murrĖLĖ AG Other Types of Sunshine Recorder.-There are, however, various other conventions as to sunshine which are used as the basis of recorders of quite different types. The Jordan recorder uses ferrocyanide paper and the sun keeps the time of its own record by the traverse of a spot of light over the sensitive paper, arranged as a 9 The Bowl.-The diameter of the bowl, measured between the centres of 3.4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Mid. I 2 34 5 6 7. the 6 o'clock marks on a metal equinoctial card of thickness 0.02 in. when FIG. 5.-Sunshine Record (June 19 and 20, 1908). in its place, is to be 5.73 in. ( 0.01 in.). The distance between the cylinder about a line parallel to the polar axis. The effect thereby exposure edges of the upper winter flange and the lower summer recorded is a photochemical one, and the composite character of the flange must not be less than 2:45 in., nor exceed 2.50 in. The sun's radiation, modified by the elective absorption of the atmosphere distances from the middle line on the equinoctial card to the makes the relation of the record to that of the sun's scorching power middle lines on the summer and winter cards are to be 0.70 in. dependent upon atmospheric conditions and therefore on different (0.02 in.). The inclination of the summer card, in place, to the occasions, so that the two records give different aspects of the solar winter card, in place, is to be 32° 1°, symmetrically arranged with influence. Other recorders use the thermal or photographic effect 2 August the United States weather bureau an electrical contact is made by bord 1 Bril. Assoc. Report (1900), p. 440.9 Sunshine in the Antarctic Regions. It is clear that so far as concerns the zone from 50 to 60° N. in this particular region, the annual amount of sunshine diminishes as one goes northward. It would, however, not be safe to conclude that this diminution in the aggre gate duration of sunshine during the year goes on without interruption as one proceeds. northward. At least the corresponding statement would not be true of the southern hemisphere. No doubt |