draperies are shown in the Indian division of the Victoria and Albert Museum. These are sui generis, and therefore differ from the bulk of Western prints on chintz, cretonne, &c., which together with a less quantity of printing on satin, silk, velvet, crêpe and the like are principally from adaptations of weaving patterns. An interesting series of over 2500 patterns, chiefly of this character, was made by M. Corimand between 1846 and 1860, and is preserved in the National Art Library at South Kensington. For many years of the latter part of the 19th century, William Morris designed and produced attractively ingenious floral and bird patterns, admirable in contrasts of bright colours, frequently basing his arrangement of crisply defined forms in them upon that of Persian surface ornament. His style, which on its appearance struck a distinctive note, has very considerably affected numbers of British and foreign designers of printed patterns whether for textiles or wall papers. with their discovery was that of a fragment of printed cotton | East Indian painted and printed calicoes for coverlets and other at Arles in the grave of St Caesarius, who was bishop there about A.D. 542. Equal in archaeological value are similar fragments found in an ancient tomb at Quedlinburg. These, however, are of comparatively simple patterns. Other later specimens establish the fact that more important pattern-printing on textiles had become a developed industry in parts of Europe towards the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century. According to Forrer (Die Kunst des Zeugdrucks, 1898) medieval Rhenish monasteries were the cradles of the artistic craft of ornamental stamp or block cutting. In rare monastic MSS. earlier in date than the 13th century, initial letters (especially those that recurred frequently) were sometimes stamped from hand-cut blocks; and German deeds of the 14th century bear names of block cutters and textile stampers as those of witnesses. Between the 11th and 14th centuries there was apparently in Germany no such weaving of rich ornamental stuffs as that carried on in Spain and Italy, but her competitive and commercial instincts led her to adapt her art of stamping to the decoration of coarse textiles, and thus to produce rather rough imitations of patterns woven in the Saracenic, Byzantine and Italian silks and brocades. Amongst the more ancient relics of Rhenish printed textiles are some of thin silken stuff, impressed with rude and simplified versions of such patterns in gold and silver foil. Of these, and of a The portion of linen hanging or valance given in fig. 1 (Plate I.) comes from an ancient cemetery at Akhmim in Upper Egypt The linen dyed blue bears ornamentation with figures undyed or "reserved," through the previous application to it, by means of an engraved block, of some such saturating fluid as that mentioned by Pliny. The design and cutting of the block were no doubt the work of Coptic artificers, the style of the composition being Egypto-Roman of the 5th century A.D. On the child's tunic dyed blue (fig. 2) the simple trellis and blossom pattern is similarly produced by the "reserve" process, and the specimen is of the 1. It is perhaps rather earlier considerable number of later variously dyed stout linens with same provenance as that of Fig. 3 is from a fragment of red silk patterns printed in dark tones or in black, specimens have been collected from reliquaries, tombs and old churches. From these several bits of evidence Dr Forrer propounds an opinion that the printing of patterns on textiles as carried on in several Rhenish towns preceded that of printing on paper. He proceeds to show that from after the 14th century increasing luxury and prosperity promoted a freer use of woven and embroidered stuffs, in consequence of which textile-printing fell into neglect, and it was not until three centuries later that it revived, very largely under the influence of trade importing into Europe quantities of Indian printed and painted calicoes. " in date, i.e. 4th century A.D. printed in red, green and black from wood-blocks, thus illustrating another method of applying colours to textiles. It is probably of Rhenish work in the 12th or 13th century, and came from the Eifel district. The ornament, however, is a survival of a scheme of pattern which was in use in Perso-Roman weavings as early as the 7th century A.D. Fig. 4 shows a piece of red silk printed with a Rhenish adaptation of a 13th-century North Italian weaving pattern possessing earlier Byzantine features. The design in fig. 5 is another Rhenish version of a richer style of 14th-century North Italian weaving. An advance in refinement of block-cutting is seen in fig. 6, a Rhenish adaptation of a 14th-century North Italian pattern often employed in brocade weaving of that period. The pattern in fig. 7 (Plate II.) is typical of a style introduced during the 15th century in sumptuous damask satins, and velvets woven Augsburg, famous in the 17th century for its printing on at Florence, Genoa and Venice. Very different is the style exemlinens, &c., supplied Alsace and Switzerland with many crafts-plified in fig. 8, taken from a Dutch 17th-century Indienne," men in this process. After the revocation of the edict of Nantes, the trade name for such prints. The repeated wide and narrow French refugees took part in starting manufactories of both stripes recall a scheme of design which the Siculo-Saracens of the 11th century employed for brocades; the intertwining floral ornapainted and printed cloths in Holland, England and Switzer- ment closely resembles such as occurs in 16th-century Indian land; some few of the refugees were allowed back into France painted and printed cottons. Fig. 9 is a 19th-century Italian to do the same in Normandy: manufactories were also set up in Indian palampores from the 16th century onwards to the present reproduction of the Persianesque spreading tree device often used in Paris, Marseilles, Nantes and Angers; but there was still day. These, however, were either painted or printed from woodgreater activity at Geneva, Neuchâtel, Zürich, St Gall and Basel. blocks, whereas for this Italian copy engraved metal plates were The first textile-printing works in Great Britain are said to used, after the manner of the process which was started, as already have been begun towards the end of the 17th century by a mentioned, by Oberkampf and Bell in the 18th century The Frenchman on the banks of the Thames near Richmond, and with subjects of a pictorial character which had a vogue for some remaining figures 10, 11 and 12 are from stuffs metal-printed soon afterwards a more considerable factory was established time. In fig. 10-a French print-are family groups: shepherds at Bromley Hall in Essex; many others were opened in Surrey and shepherdesses with their flocks; children at play; buildings, early in the 18th century. At Mulhouse the enterprise of rocks, trees, &c.; the decorative effect of which, for the purposes Koechlin, Schmatzer and Dollfus in 1746, as well as that of repetition of these somewhat unrelated details. A landscape with of curtains and furniture covers, resulted mainly from the ordered Oberkampf at Jouy, led to a still wider spread of the industry a Chinese pagoda was repeated in lengths of the English cotton in Alsace. In almost every place in Europe where it was print, a piece of which was cut to fit the back of a chair as in taken up and followed, it was met by local and national fig. 11. Fig. 12 is from a linen panel printed in colours with a The style prohibitions or trade protective regulations and acts, which, stipple engraving to be used as a small fire screen. reflects the pseudo-classical taste of the end of the 18th century however, were gradually overcome. in England. Beneath the group of figures in the original is an inscription, "London, engraved and published, August 1, 1799, by M-Bost No. 207 Piccadilly." This sort of printing has practically disappeared it was unsuitable for manufacture on a large scale. AUTHORITIES.-J. Persoz, L'Impression des Tissus (Paris, 1846, see vol i. Preface); E. A. Parnell, Dyeing and Calico Printing (London, 1849); W. Crookes, F.R.S., Dyeing and Calico Printing (London, 1864, see Introduction); Dr R. Forrer, Die Kunst des Zeugdrucks (Strassburg, 1894). (A. S. C.) Towards the end of the 18th century a revolution in the British manufacture of printed textiles was brought about through the invention of cylinder or roller printing from metal plates. This is usually credited to Oberkampf of Jouy, but it seems to have also occurred to a Scotsman named Bell, and was successfully applied in a large way about 1785 at Monsey near Preston From this and the calico-printing works at Manchester in 1763, and in Scotland in 1768, the present huge proportions of the industry in the United Kingdom have grown. Illustrations accompanying this brief account merely indicate a few types of patterns used in various European countries up to the beginning of the 19th century. Typical specimens of TEXTUAL CRITICISM, a general term given to the skilled and methodical application of human judgment to the settlement of texts. By a "text" is to be understood a document written in a language known, more or less, to the inquirer, and assumed to have a meaning which has been or can be ascertained. The aim of the "textual critic" may then be defined as the restoration of the text, as far as possible, to its original form, if by "original form " we understand the form intended by its author. Texts may be either autographs or they may be transmitted texts; the latter, again, being immediate copies of autographs or copies of copies in any degree. Autographs (which may be taken to include whatever, though not actually in the writing of its author, has been revised and attested by him) are not exempt from the operations of textual criticism. Editors of journals remove the slips of the pens of their contributors; editors of books, nowadays usually in footnotes, the similar lapses of their authors. With this branch of textual criticism, however, modern scholarship is not largely concerned. Not so with immediate copies. Textual criticism is called upon to repair the mischief done to inscriptions (texts inscribed upon stones) by weathering, maltreatment or the errors of the stone-cutter. Any great collection, such as the Corpus of Latin inscriptions or the similar Corpus of Greek, will show at once its activity and ability in this direction. The chief field of textual criticism is elsewhere. The texts of the older authors which have come down to us were written for the most part not on stone but on papyrus, parchment or other perishable material. Of these several copies had to be made, both by way of prevention against the wear and tear of use and as a means of satisfying the desire of other persons than the original possessor to be acquainted with their contents. Had the copies made of ancient writings been mechanical reproductions of the originals, such as the photographic facsímiles of modern times, there would have been little here for textual criticism to do. The ancient texts have not come to us in this way, but through copies made by the human hand directed more or less by the human intelligence. Now a copy made thus can in no circumstances be a quite exact rendering of that from which it is copied or its exemplar. A copy, qua copy, can never be the equal of the exemplar, and it may be much its inferior. This deterioration increases with the number of successive copyings. Let us suppose that from a text which we will call A a copy has been made which we will call B, and from this again a copy which we will call C. If the copyist of B goes wrong once and the copyist of C twice in a hundred times, then, assuming that there is no coincidence or cancelling of errors, the relative correctness of the three texts A, B, C will be 100 (absolute correctness), 99 and 97.02. If C had made his copy direct from A, his percentage would have been 98. The importance of this must be borne in mind when we are dealing with transmitted texts, which have passed through many stages of copying. In the Epidicus of Plautus, 1. 1. 10, the right reading habitior, more portly," has been preserved to us by Donatus, an ancient commentator on Terence (Eunuchus, 2. 2. 11). It was corrupted to abilior by omission of the h and confusion of t and 1, and this corruption, which is attested by the oldest extant copy, the Ambrosian palimpsest, was still further corrupted in the other copies to agilior. The first step towards the restoration of a text is the examination of the evidence upon which it is or is to be based. This begins with the investigation of its traditional or transmitted form. For this we have usually to rely upon manuscripts (MSS.). By manuscripts (q.v.) we understand copies of the text made before the art of printing came into general use. These may be either extant or non-extant. The evidence of extant manuscripts must be ascertained by collation. To collate a manuscript is to observe and record everything in it which may be of use towards determining what stood in the source or the sources from which it is derived. A manuscript is not usually a clean or single piece of writing; it is commonly found to contain alterations by erasure, addition or substitution. Such alterations may be due to the writer or writers of the MS., called the scribe or scribes, or to some other person or persons (for there may be several) called correctors. The relative importance of these corrections, it is obvious, may be very different. It is therefore necessary to distinguish the different hands which have been at work on the manuscript. Account must also be taken of the number of lines in each page, the number of pages in each quire, of gaps or lacunae in the manuscript, and so forth. The work cannot be considered complete till all the extant manuscripts have been collated or at least examined. When this is done we shall have the materials for pronouncing a judgment upon the text as directly transmitted. Perhaps there is only one extant MS. of the text, as in the case of the Mimes of Herodas and the Annals and Histories of Tacitus. Then this part of our work is done. But often we have to take account of a number, and it may be a large number, of manuscripts, whose respective claims to attention we must determine. In the first place we shall discard all manuscripts which are derived by copying from other extant manuscripts. If a MS. is immediately or ultimately derived by copying from another MS., it cannot, qua copy, tell us anything that we do not know already if the latter MS. is known to us. But how can we tell that a MS. is so derived? It must be later than the other MS., and the similarity between them must be such as to permit of no other explanation. In the absence of explicit dates the relative age of MSS. is often hard to determine, and hence the criterion of unmistakable resemblance is one of special importance. If the MSS. agree in singular though trivial mistakes, if they omit, apparently without motive, words and passages which other MSS. preserve, we shall be safe in pronouncing that there exists a close bond of connexion between them, and if one of them shows errors which, though strange in themselves, are quite intelligible when we see what stands in the other, then we shall be justified in concluding that the second is that from which the first is derived. For the proper consideration of such points a personal examination, autopsy, of the MSS. or of facsimiles of them, is very often indispensable. It was thought at one time that a MS. of the Latin poet Propertius at Naples (Neap. 268) might have independent value as an authority for the text. But its claims were disposed of when (amongst other facts) it was observed that at book iv. 8, 3, the MS. with which it most closely agreed (F, No. 36, 49 in the Laurentian library) had a gap at the beginning of the line and only the end words "uetus est tutela draconis," with the marginal note non potuit legi in exemplari hoc quod deficit," and that Neap. 268 gives the line as follows, "non potuit legi uetus est tutela draconis." Accident apart, identity of reading implies identity of sources. The source of a transmitted reading may undoubtedly be the author's autograph: but if not, then it is some MS. in the line of transmission. a The peculiar resemblances of two MSS., though not sufficient to warrant the derivation of either from the other, may be sufficient to establish some connexion between them. From the axiom which has just been cited it follows that this connexion can be due only to community of source, and we thus arrive at the idea of families of MSS. Suppose that a text is preserved in seven MSS., A, B, C, D, E, F, G. If we find that of these A stands apart, showing no great similarity to any of the other six, while B, C, D on the one side, and E, F, G on the other, much resemble each other though differing considerably from the rest, we may express this by saying that B, C, D form "family" descended from a hypothetical common " ancestor which we may call X, and E, F, G another "family" descended from a hypothetical "ancestor " which we may call Y. The readings of X which can be deduced from considering the agreements in B, C, D will be of higher antiquity and of greater external authority than any of the readings in B, C, D taken singly. And similarly for the readings of Y and those of E, F, G. Nor shall we stop here: but we shall further compare the readings of X and Y with each other and with those of A, and thus deduce the readings of a still more remote ancestor which we may call Z. Z will be the archetype of all our existing MSS., and we may embody our results in a pedigree of manuscripts or stemma codicum as follows: If we have done our work properly, the texts that we arrive at for X and for Y will be freer from error than the texts of the separate members of the families B, C and D, and E, F, G respectively, and that of Z freer from error than that authenticated by any existing MS. The procedure, however, is by no means always so simple. That a text may be improved by the comparison of different MSS. is not a modern discovery. It has long been known, and the knowledge has led to the production of what are known as conflated manuscripts or Misch-codices. These are MSS. produced by "crossing" or "intermixture." In the following stemma M and N are "mixed" or "conflated" MSS., being formed by the blending of readings from the "pure" or unmixed" codices A, B and D, E respectively. Intermixture may take place to any extent, and the more of it there has been the more difficult does it become to trace the transmission of a text. Whether crossing improves a given text or not depends ultimately on the knowledge and the judgment of the crosser, and these will vary indefinitely. On the whole it is probable that it does, provided it is not accompanied by other attempts at improvement. If it be, as may very well be the case, the text will probably suffer. For but a small proportion of scholars' corrections are really amendments, and a far smaller proportion of scribes'. The "genealogical" method, as we may call it, cannot in strictness be applied to conflated MSS., as their mutual relations can rarely be with certainty disentangled. But it is often possible to detect in such MSS. a common strain, shown by their agreement in peculiar corruptions or in probable readings when these latter would have been hard to discover by conjecture. This is practically an application of the method to a portion of such manuscripts. A special value attaches to a conflated codex when one of the MSS. from which it has been compounded has perished and its readings are thus otherwise irrecoverable. This is exemplified in the Neapolitanus of Propertius, a manuscript now at Wolfenbüttel. It not unfrequently happens that good or instructive readings are found in manuscripts which are in general of small trustworthiness (see below), and whose relations to the general tradition it is not worth while to investigate. These readings may be cited by the name of the MS., or if still greater brevity is required as the readings of inferior MSS. (deleriores), or, as is frequently done, by the symbol S. Non-extant Manuscripts.-Some of the most valuable of ancient MSS. have disappeared since their discovery in modern times. When this has happened we have to rely upon mere copies, many times of inferior quality, or upon the information which old scholars have given us respecting them. In the latter case what we have are not "collations," for the art of collation was not understood till the 19th century, but selections or 'excerpts" of readings which we have reason to fear are often imperfect and erroneous. Further, it must not be assumed that all readings which are cited as being “ex uetustis codicibus are necessarily from older or better MSS. than we now possess or indeed from MSS. at all. Scholars since the Renaissance have not always been above inventing codices to obtain currency for their own conjectures. The codices of Bosius (1535-1580) are just as imaginary as the "old plays" which appear as the source of so many of the quotations that head the chapters of the Waverley novels, and suspicion rests on Barth, Lambinus and others. Some texts and portions of texts of ancient writers are now only known from printed books. The metrical treatise of Terentianus is now preserved in the editio princeps (1497) alone. All known MSS. of Silius Italicus have a considerable gap in the 8th book, first filled up on the authority of Jac. Constantius (1503), and not printed with the rest of the poem till the edition of Aldus (1523). The early printed books are often called by old scholars codices impressi (typis), “printed manuscripts," a phrase which at first seems curious to us but becomes perfectly intelligible when we examine these codices impressi and observe how closely they follow the codices scripti. By the methodical employment of these means we shall arrive at a text different from any existing one. It will not be the best one, possible or existing, nor necessarily even a good one. But it will be the most ancient one according to the direct line of transmission, and the purest in the sense of being the freest from traceable errors of copying and unauthorized improvements. The textual critic has occasionally to deal with the effects of oral transmission. A text so transmitted must in the lapse of time be profoundly though insensibly modified, its forms and expressions modernized, and, if widely disseminated, local variations introduced into it. This is the case with the Homeric poems, the ascertainment of the original form of which is a task beyond the powers of criticism. Even where, as in the Vedas, the sacred books of India, there is proof that the work has been transmitted without change through many centuries, the existence of unintelligible passages and unmetrical verses shows that here too there is work for textual criticism to perform, though in the opinion of most scholars it should be confined to the restoration of such forms as would be unconsciously and inevitably corrupted through changes of pronunciation and the like. The invention of printing has naturally limited the province of textual criticism, and modified its operations. The writer's autograph, if it is preserved after it has been through the hands of the printer, has seldom more than an antiquarian value. As a source for the text it is superseded by the printed edition, and if there is more than one, then by the latest printed edition, which has been revised in proof by the author, or, in certain cases, by his representative; and the task of the textual critic is restricted to the detection of "misprints," in other words, of errors which the compositor (the modern analogue to the scribe) has made in "setting up" the manuscript, and which have escaped the notice of the proof-reader and the author or his representative. If, however, this revision has been neglected or incompetently performed, the number of such mistakes may be considerable. Another question with which the textual critic of modern authors must be prepared to deal is the relative importance of different editions, each of which may have a prima facie claim to be considered authentic. Thus Shakespearean criticism must decide between the evidence of the first folio and the quartos: the critic of Shelley's poems must consider what weight is to be attached to the readings in the posthumous edition by Mrs. Shelley, and in unpublished transcripts of various poems. Where there is great or complicated divergence between the editions, as in the case of Marlowe's Faustus, the production of a resultant text which may be relied upon to represent the ultimate intention of the author is well-nigh impossible. For the bettering of the transmitted text we can call in aids of a partial or subsidiary character which are known in general as | according to the degree in which the volition of the copyist testimonia. Such are Anthologies or collections of extracts. The oldest authority for an epithalamium of Catullus (62) is an anthology at Paris written in the 9th century. Translations from one language into another may help to fix the reading of the original, or this again that of the translation. In Shelley's Prometheus Unbound, ii. 5. 54.—" Child of Light! thy limbs are burning Through the vest which seems to hide them ""limbs" is supported against "lips" (ed. 1) by "membre" in the Italian prose version made by Shelley himself: and similarly in 1. 52 "looks" (not "locks") by the rendering" sguardi." In his translations of Euripides' Cyclops, 381, "a bowl | Three cubits wide and four in depth, as much | As would contain four amphorae the Greek original clearly points to ten amphorae" and four may have come from the previous line. In direct quotations, either of passages or single words, and - either with or without the author's name, we must be sure that the writer is quoting exactly. " A couplet of Propertius is written upon the walls of Pompeii in the following form: Quisquis amator erit, Scythiae licet ambulet oris, Nemo adeo ut feriat, barbarus esse uolet." Here the manuscripts have "Scythicis"-" deo ut noceat," of which deo is rejected by every one in favour of the Pompeian reading, but Scythicis and noceat are retained on the ground that they are in themselves better than the Pompeian readings, which may be simply due to lapse of memory. In Shelley's Julian and Maddalo, 40, -"(talk) such as once, so poets tell, The devils held within the dales of Hell Concerning God, freewill and destiny,"vales has been suggested to make it harmonize with the passage of Milton to which reference is made: but the argument is not conclusive. Parodies may prove of service in restoring the form of what is parodied or this in restoring the parody. So also obvious imitations, especially in a highly imitative literature such as Latin poetry. The connexion of the passages must in all these cases be unmistakable. In Homer, Iliad, i. 4 seq., Aristarchus had the common reading αὐτοὺς δὲ ἑλώρια τεύχε κύνεσσι | οἰωνοῖσί τε πᾶσι, but another Homeric critic of note, Zenodotus, read daîra for war, and this is supported by the obvious imitation in Aeschylus, Supplices, 800, who has ὄρνισι δεῖπνον. The support which a reading gains from the evidence of the directly transmitted text and from the auxiliary testimonia may be called its documental probability. To restore a text from the documental evidence available we must know and weigh the causes which tend to vitiate this evidence in its various kinds. We shall speak first of those which affect the direct transmission of texts. These are either external or internal. External.-A text may become illegible through damp or constant thumbing; portions of it may be torn away; if it is in book form, leaves or whole quires may be detached and either lost or misplaced. When this has taken place on a considerable scale, the critic is helpless; but minor injuries may sometimes be traced and remedied. The weakest parts of a MS. book were the outer margins; and hence the beginnings and the ends of lines, whether of verse or prose, were specially liable to injury. It obviously makes a difference upon which side of a leaf, whether on the verso or the recto, a line was written. Hence the determination of the paging of the archetype (as was done for the archetype of Lucretius by Lachmann) has more than a merely antiquarian value. In ancient classical MSS. the first letters of poems in verse and of paragraphs in prose usually, and the initial letters of lines in verse occasionally, were written separate and by another person than the scribe | (who was called the rubricator), and hence were apt to be omitted. Other external circumstances may prejudicially affect a text. The copy from which Shelley's Julian and Maddalo was printed was written on very narrow paper, and the punctuation marks at the ends of the lines were frequently omitted. Internal. These errors arise from the default of the scribe or copyist, and, in the case of printed books, the compositor.1 They are very numerous. They may be roughly arranged For the convenience of the general reader these errors have been illustrated as far as possible from English authors and especially from the poems of Shelley (ed. Hutchinson). is absent or present, as involuntary or mechanical, semivoluntary and voluntary; or again as they affect single signs (letters, figures or symbols), words, lines or even larger units such as sentences or paragraphs. Simple Errors of the Eye.-(a) Confusions of letters. These are very numerous, and different in different scripts or styles of writing (see PALAEOGRAPHY). Thus the Roman letters E and F are liable to be confused in capital script, but not in cursive (e, f), C, G, in capitals, c, e in the cursive writing called Caroline minuscule, c, t, in the angular cursive of the 13th century and later. Texts which have had a long history will often show by the letter-confusions which they exhibit that they have passed through several distinct stages of copying. It is to be observed that two different styles of writing are often found in the same manuscript, the difference being utilized for the purposes of for " distinction. Thus in Greek cursive MSS. notes were often written in uncials; the use of majuscules or capitals for headings and for the initial letters of lines is well known. (b) Omissions of letters. (c) Shiftings of letters, sometimes by syllables. This is very common in half intelligent or half mechanical copying. In printing we get the disarrangement of type which is known as " pie." (d) Confusions of symbols and abbreviations. (a) Examples of confusion of capital letters from Shelley's poems are: Prometheus, i. 553, “Mark that outcry of despair "Hark"; Hellas, 472, Hold each to the other in loud mockery for "Told." Of cursive letters: Marenghi, 130, "the dim ocean for "the dun ocean"; Letter to Maria Gisborne 126, sqq., "above | Qne chasm of Heaven smiles like the age of Love | On the unquiet world for " eye." (b) Translations from Goethe's Faust, sc. i. 46, "To live more beastily than any beast," for 'beastily "; ii. 165, eye for " eyne (in spite of the rhyme with 163). (c) Prometh., iv. 575. Neither to change, nor flatter, nor repent," for "falter." In Latin MSS. we often find a mere jumble of letters. (d) Confusion of words through abbreviations is very common in ancient MSS., where they were much employed. At a famous place in the doxology of 1 Timothy iii. 16, the MSS. vary between os (or 8) and Ocbs. In uncial writing OC (os) might easily be miswritten or altered to BC (Ocós) or vice versa. " Writing: Homoeographon.-When similar letters or groups of letters stand next to each other, one of these is liable to be omitted. This is the simplest case and is called haplography. Loss of Lellers, Syllables, Words or Lines, through Similarity of Similarity operates differently if the similar groups stand in different lines of the exemplar. Then the copyist's eye is apt to slip from the first of two similarly written groups to the second; and he will thus omit all that is between. The term homocoteleuton (" similarity of ending ") is often used of these omissions, but it is not adequate, as similarity anywhere may produce the same result. Examples of homocographon and haplography. Shelley's Cenci, v. 4. 136, whose love was [as] a bond to all our loves": a similar omission in Witch of Atlas, 599. In Stanzas written in Dejection near Naples the two lines 4, 5, The purple noon's transparent might, The breath of the moist earth is light," were printed in the 1st edition, "The purple noon's transparent light," owing to the homocographon "might light." " Omissions through Simple Negligence.-Groups of letters, words, syllables and lines are often omitted without any contributory cause. Short words or such as are not necessary to the sense are especially prone thus to disappear. Examples of omission. Shelley's Prometheus, iii. i, 70, "No refuge! No appeal! Sink with me (then];" Cenci, ì. i, 26, Respited [me from Hell! So may the Devil | Respite their souls from Heaven!"; Hellas, 657, "Bask in the (deep blue noon divine "; Julian and Maddalo, 218, where "Moans, shricks, and curses, and blaspheming prayers is absent in the earlier editions though required for the rhyme; so lines 299-301 of the Letter to María Gisborne. Repetitions: Dittography.-Letters, groups of letters, words and lines may be written twice (or even oftener) instead of once. Other repetitions of words already written and anticipations of words yet to be written are also found, through the scribe's eye wandering into the preceding or the following context. Wherever the word or group of words repeated is not the one that he has just copied loss is liable to occur. " Dittography is common enough in manuscripts but is usually detected in reading proofs. In the unique MS. of Cicero's treatise De Republica, 2, 33, 57, secutus appears as secututus secutus.' Other kinds of repetition are Shelley's Witch of Allas, 611 seq., "Like one asleep in a green hermitage, With gentle sleep about its eyelids playing" (sleep for smiles has come from the previous line); Revolt of Islam, 4749, "Where" for "When appears to have come from "Where" in 4750 or 4751. Often the word thus extruded is irrecoverable; Ginevra, 125 sqq., "The matin winds from the expanded flowers | Scatter their hoarded incense and awaken | The earth, until the dewy sleep is shaken | From every living heart which it possesses Through seas and winds, cities and wildernesses"; the second "winds" is a repetition of the first, but what should stand in its place,-" lands "strands or or something else no one can say. or waves Confusions of Words.-Words are not only changed through confusion of single letters or abbreviations, but also through general resemblance or (a semi-voluntary change) through similarity of meaning. not " Shelley, Prometheus, ii. 2, 53: "There streams a plume-uplifting wind" for "steams." In Shelley's lines. When the lamp is shattered, vv. 5-6, "When the lute is broken, | Sweet tones are remembered the printed edition had "notes" for "tones." In Mrs Gaskell's Cranford, ch. xiv. (near the end), "The lunch-a hot savoury mutton-chop, and a little of the cold loin sliced and fried -was now brought in" is the reading of most if not all the editions; but "loin should be " lion," the reference being to the pudding, "a lion with currant eyes," described carlier in the chapter. In Shelley's "Evening: Ponte al Mare, Pisa," 20, By darkest barriers of enormous cloud" for "cinereous"; "Hymn to Mercury (trans.), 57, "And through the tortoise's hard strong skin" for " stony." Shelley's "The Boat on the Serchio," 117, "woods of stunted fir" for "pine" which the rhyme requires; Prince Athanase, 250,"And sea buds burst beneath the waves serene "for" under." The same character frequently attaches to transpositions of words and parts of words. The copyist does not as a general rule consciously intend a change, but he falls into one through the influence of dominant associations. He substitutes an order of words which, in respect of syntax, metre or rhythm is more familiar to him. " She Transpositions of words, if not purely accidental, as in Chaucer, "Parson's Tale," p. 689 (ed. Skeat), "God yaf (gave) his benison to Laban by the service of Jacob and to Pharao by the service of Joseph," where the MSS. transpose Laban and Pharao, are generally to a more usual order, as in Shelley's Witch of Atlas, 65, first was changed" to "she was first changed." An instance of transposition of words in part is in Shelley's Invocation to Misery," "And mine arm shall be thy pillow," where the 1st ed. had "thine arm and "my pillow." 1. 27, Faulty Divisions of Words.-These will generally imply an exemplar in which the words were without any division or without a sufficient one. Under this head we may class errors which arise from the omission or the insertion of such marks as the apostrophe and the hyphen. Examples of wrong division of words. Chaucer's House of Fame, iii., 1975, "Of good or misgovernement which should be (ie., bad) governement "; Shelley's Prometheus, iii. 2, 22, "Round many peopled continents many-peopled," ib. 26, the light laden moon for "light-laden "; Revolt of Islam, 4805, Our bark hung there, as one line suspended | Between two heavens,' for "on a line." " for " With this we may class faulty division of sentences. Wrong punctuation is a common error and usually easy to correct. As an example of mispunctuation we may take Shelley's Triumph of Life, 188 sqq., "If thou can'st, forbear | To join the dance, which I had well forborne | Said the grim Feature of my thought Aware | I will unfold,' &c., for "said the grim Feature (of my thought aware) I will unfold.'" Grammatical Assimilations.-These are often purely mechanical errors: but they may be semi-voluntary or even voluntary, the copyist desiring to set the syntax right. Examples: Shelley's Rosalind and Helen, 63, "A sound from thee, Rosalind dear" instead of there; Mask of Anarchy, 280 seq., "the daily strife | With common wants and common cares | Which sow the human heart with tares," for sows." Insertions (or Omissions) of Seemingly Unimportant Words.These, inasmuch as they must often import some judgment on the sense of the passage copied, will be frequently semi-voluntary if not voluntary. Examples: Shelley, Prometheus, iii. i, 5. "The soul of man like [an] unextinguished fire." So in Triumph-of Life, 265, "Whom from the flock of conquerors Fame singled out for her thunderbearing minion," out seems to be due to the compositor. False Recollections.-The passage which a copyist is reproducing may suggest to him something else and he will write down what is thus in his mind instead of what is before his eyes. There is a noteworthy instance in Horace, Odes, iii. 18, 11 seq., "festus in pratis uacal otioso | cum boue pagus" where some MSS. give pardus, a reminiscence of Isaiah xi. 6, "The leopard (pardus) shall lie down with the kid." In iv. i. 20, for "trabe citrea MSS. have "trabe Cypria," which occurs in i. 1, 13. Incorporation of Marginalia.-The copyist may erroneously suppose that something written in the margin, between the lines or at the top or the foot of the page which he is copying, is intended to be placed in the text. The words so incorporated may appear side by side with the genuine reading or they may expel it. many In Horace, Odes, iii. 27, 47, "amati | cornua monstri" (of the tauri," an expl nation of monstri. The celebrated passage about bull which carried off Europa), more than one MS. has "cornua the three heavenly witnesses inserted in the Epistle of St John (v. 2) seems to have been originally a comment explanatory of the text. Transpositions of Lines and Passages.-This kind of transposition is really arrested loss. An accidental omission is discovered, and the person responsible, or another, places what is omitted in the margin at the foot of the page or in some other part of the text, usually adding a mark to show where it ought to have been. The next copyist may easily overlook this sign and thus the passage may be permanently displaced. In Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, most MSS. place the couplet, "And eck of many another maner cryme | Which nedeth nat rehercen at this tyme," which should stand after v. 8 of the "Friar's Tale," in the Prologue to the Tale before the fourth line from the end. In the "Monk's Tale a block of 88 lines (3565-3652) is transposed in most MSS. to follow 3956. Interpolation. This is the deliberate alteration of an exemplar by way of substitution, addition or omission, but when it takes the particular form of omission it is naturally very hard to detect. Interpolation then always has a motive. The most frequent motive is the removal of some difficulty in the sense, expression or metre of the text, and especially obvious gaps or corruptions which the interpolator endeavours to fill or to heal. Fraudulent interpolation, whether the fraud be pious or otherwise, does occur, but is comparatively rare. The removal or the mitigation of objectionable matter is also occasionally found. Interpolation is then a voluntary alteration, but in practice it is often hard to distinguish from other changes in which its motive is absent. The usual character of scribes' alterations is well illustrated by a passage in Bacon's Advancement of Learning, II. xix., For these critics have often presumed that that which they understand not is false set down: as the Priest that where he found it written of St Paul Demissus est per sportam" [Acts ix. 25] "mended his book, and made it Demissus est per portam, because sporta was an hard word, and out of his reading." Shelley in Triumph of Life 201 seq., wrote, "And if the spark with which Heaven lit my spirit Had been with proper nutriment supplied," but the printed editions made it "sentiment.' The transcript used for the printed edition of Marenghi apparently often corrupted what was rare and strange to what was commonplace; e.g., 1. 119, dewglobes" to "dewdrops.", Interpolation is sometimes due to an inopportune use of knowledge, as when a quotation or a narrative is made to agree with what the interpolator has read elsewhere. The text of the Septuagint, a translation of the Old Testament made from MSS. older than those accessible to Origen, was much altered by him in order to make it conform more closely to the Hebrew text with which he was familiar, and in the Synoptic Gospels changes are found, the aim of which is to "harmonize the accounts given by the different evangelists. Deliberate alteration is occasionally due to disapproval of what stands in the text or even to less creditable reasons. There is an old and seemingly trustworthy tradition that some lines in Homer's "Catalogue of the Ships," Iliad, ii. 553-555 and 558, were introduced there to gratify the vanity or ambition of the Athenians. Insertions of this or of a similar character may be of almost any length, from a few words to a whole chapter or a complete poem. Literary forgery has never set any bounds to itself, and the history of every literature will supply examples of entire works being foisted upon authors and personages of repute. A notable one was the Epistles of Phalaris, a late Greek forgery, demonstrated to be such by Bentley in a treatise which is a model of what such a demonstration should be. |