cils; better that Congress should break up in Senator Wade of Ohio, in a speech to a mass wild disorder; nay, better that the Capitol it- meeting of the Republicans, held in the State self should blaze by the torch of the incendia- of Maine in 1855, according to the Boston ry, or fall and bury all its inmates beneath its crumbling ruins, than that this perfidy and wrong should be finally accomplished."

Atlas said:

"There was no freedom at the South for either white or black, and he would strive to "We love (quoted) the Whig party, but we protect the free soil of the North from the love its principles more. We dislike Aboli- same blighting curse. There was really no tionism; but we would rather a thousand Union now between the North and the South, times vote for Garrison and Tappan as Presi- and he believed no two nations upon the earth dent and Vice-President than tamely submit entertained feelings of more bitter rancor tofor an hour to the humiliation which the Sen-wards each other than these two sections of ate has put upon us by the repeal of the Misscuri Compromise.

“We are willing (quoted again) to consort with the most rabid Abolitionists in order to restore the Missouri Compromise, and thus redress a great wrong. "-Gen. Webb's New York Courier and Enquirer. Gen. James Watson Webb was a delegate to the Republican Convention, at Philadelphia, and delivered a speech, from which we make the following extract:-

"Why, I ask, are we here? We are here because the country is in danger. We are here because a solemn compact, by which the curse of slavery was limited for ever to latitude 36 deg. 30 min. has been violently disruptured, torn asunder, and the people of the North told 'you shall have this matter forced upon you.' Now, what are the people doing? Our people, loving order and foving law, and willing to abide by the ballot-box, come together from all parts of the Union and ask us to give them a nomination which, when fairly put before the people, will unite public sentiment, and, through the ballot-box, will restrain and repel this pro-slavery extension, and this aggression of the slaveocracy. What else are they doing? They tell you that they are willing to abide by the ballot-box, and willing to make that the last appeal. If we fail there, what then? We will drive it back, sword in hand, and, so help me God! believing that to be right, I am with them. [Loud cheers, and cries of "Good.'] Now, then, gentlemen, on your action depends the result. You may, with God's blessing, present to this country a name rallying around it all the elements of the opposition, and we will thus become so strong that through the ballot-box we shall save the country. But, if a name be presented on which we may not rally, and the consequence is civil war-yes, nothing more, nothing less, but civil war-I ask, then, what is our first duty?"

The Hon. Benjamin F. Wade, now a U. S. Senator from Ohio, spoke thus :

"He thought there was but one issue before the people, and that was the question of American slavery. He said the Whig party is not only dead, but stinks. It shows signs ccasionally of convulsive spasms, as is sometimes exhibited in the dead snake's tail after the head and body have been buried.”

the republic. The only salvation of the Union, therefore, was to be found in divesting it entirely from all taint of slavery. There was no Union with the South. Let us have a Union, said he, or let us sweep away this remnant which we call a Union. I go for a Union where all men are equal, or for no Union at all, and I go for right."

"Let us remember that more than three millions of bondmen, groaning under nameless woes, demand that we shall cease to reprove each other, and that we labor for their deliverance.

*

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*

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"I tell you here to-night, that the agitation of this question of human slavery will continue while the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American republic."-Henry Wilson, United States Senator.

Hear Henry Wilson, Senator, in the Philadelphia American Convention, June 12, 1856: "I am in favor of relieving the Federal Government from all connection with, and responsibility for, the existence of slavery. To effect this object I am in favor of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and the prohibition of slavery in all the Territories."

In October of 1855, Senator Wilson of Mass.

made a speech at the Tabernacle, in New York, in which he said :

"Every generous impulse of the human heart is with us-every affection of the human conscience is with us; the great hopes of the human race are all with us, and we shall triumph in the end; we shall overthrow the slave power of the republic; we shall enthrone freedom; shall abolish slavery in the territories; we shall sever the national government from all responsibility for slavery, and all connection with it; and then, gentlemen, then, when we have put the nation, in the words of Mr. Van Buren, openly, actually, and perpetually on the side of freedom, we shall have glorious allies in the South. We shall have men like Cassius M. Clay. [Loud applause.] We shall have generous, brave, gallant men rise upon the South, who will, in their own time, in their own way, for the interest of the master and bondsman, lay the foundations of a policy of emancipation that shall give freedom to three and a half millions of men, in America. [Enthusiastic applause.] I say,

gentlemen, these are our objects, and these | Adams, John Quincy.

are our purposes.

"We shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and place men in that Court who believe with its pure and immaculate Chief Justice, John Jay, that our prayers will be impious to Heaven while we sustain and support human slavery. We shall free the Supreme Court of the United States from Judge Kane. [Loud applause.] And here let me say there is a public sentiment growing up in this country that regards Passmore Williamson in his prison-[tremendous applause]-in his prison in Philadelphia, as a martyr to the holy cause of personal liberty. [Great applause.] There is a public sentiment springing up that will brand upon the brow of Judge Kane a mark that will make him exclaim, as his namesake, the elder Cain, It is too great for me to bear.'"

Hon. Henry Wilson spoke in Boston:-

SPEECH OF, ON THE ADMISSION OF ARKANSAS. Mr. Chairman, I cannot, consistently with my sense of my obligations as a citizen of the United States, and bound by oath to support their Constitution, I cannot object to the admission of Arkansas into the Union as a slave state; I cannot propose or agree to make it s condition of her admission that a convention of her people shall expunge this article from her constitution. She is entitled to admission as a slave state as Louisiana, and Mississippi, and Alabama, and Missouri have been admitted, by virtue of that article in the treaty for the acquisition of Louisiana, which secures to the inhabitants of the ceded territories all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the original citizens of the United States, and stipulates for their admission, conformably to that principle, into the Union. Louisiana was purchased as a country wherein slavery was Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen: the established law of the land. As Congress This is not the time nor the place for me to have not power in time of peace to abolish utter a word. You have listened to the elo- slavery in the original states of the Union, quence of my young friend, and here to-night they are equally destitute of the powe: in those I endorse every sentiment he has uttered. In parts of the territory ceded by France to the public or private life, in majorities or in United States, by the name of Louisiana, minorities, at home or abroad, I intend to live where slavery existed at the time of the acquiand die with unrelenting hostility to slavery on sition. Slavery is in this Union the subject of my lips. I make no compromises anywhere, internal legislation in the states, and in peace at home or abroad; I shall yield nothing of is cognizable by Congress only, as it is tacitly my anti-slavery sentiments to advance my own tolerated and protected where it exists by the personal interests, to advance party interest, Constitution of the United States, and as it or to meet the demands of any state or section mingles in their intercourse with other na of our country. I hope to be able to main- tions. Arkansas, therefore, comes, and has tain, on all occasions, these principles, to com- the right to come, into the Union with her prehend in my affections the whole country-slaves and her slave laws. It is written in the and when I say the whole country, I want bond, and however I may lament that it ever everybody to understand that I include in was so written, I must faithfully perform its that term Massachusetts and the North. This obligations. is not the time for me to detain you. You have called on me, most unexpectedly, to say a word, and, having done so, I will retire, thanking you for the honor of this occasion."

"I recognise no power under heaven that can make a man a slave. I recognise no constitution--no law that can deprive a man of his personal rights and liberty; and I, a citizen of New York, am ready to place this state in that attitude.

66

Suppose New York takes that ground; what then? Some talk of revolution, as if that were to be the dreaded result. Sir, I love the word. When this great state, with her three millions and upward of freemen, takes that position, then I know that a deathblow is struck against African slavery.

"I would not permit a fugitive from the South to be taken from our limits. What then? What power can compel us to acquiesce? Will James Buchanan march troops into New York to coerce us into submission? We know that no attempt will be made thus to coerce this state when it takes this position."-Speaker of the N. Y. House of Delegates, on the Dred Scott Case.

Aiken, William.

VOTE OF, ON LAST BALLOT FOR SPEAKER OF
34TH CONGRESS. (See N. P. BANKS, Jr.)
LETTER OF, CONTAINING HIS ANSWERS TO
CERTAIN INTERROGATORIES.

House of Representatives,}

DEAR SIR:I observe in the Globe of this morning a note appended by Mr. Barclay to his remarks of Saturday, in which my reply to Mr. A. K. Marshall, of Kentucky, is incorrectly stated. I have this moment conferred with Mr. Marshall, and his recollection concurs with my own, that the following is the substance of his question and of my answer:

Mr. Marshall's question: "Are you hostile to, or have you ever denounced the American party?"

My answer was- "It is not my habit to denounce anything-either men or measures— and I have friends in the American party, though not a member of it myself."

Let me request you to publish this note in the Globe, &c. Resp'y yours, WILLIAM AIKEN.

John C. Rives, Esq.

ing an election, or who has resided in this state two years and six months, and declared his intention as aforesaid; and every civilized male inhabitant of Indian descent, a native of the United States and not a member of any tribe, shall be an elector and entitled to vote; but no citizen or inhabitant shall be an elector, or entitled to vote at any election, unless he shall be above the age of twenty-one years, and has resided in this state three months, On the 8th of December, 1819, in the Senate, and in the township or ward in which he the bill reported by Mr. Williams, of Missis-offers to vote, ten days next preceding such sippi, from a committee on the subject, admitting Alabama as a state into the Union, was passed by unanimous consent.

WISCONSIN.-Every male person of the age of twenty-one years or upwards, of the following classes, who shall have resided in this state for one year next preceding any election, shall be deemed a qualified elector at such De-election.

oath to support the Constitution of the United | possess the qualifications hereinafter preStates.

Legislative Act.-That any white American citizen above the age of twenty-one years, and all other white male inhabitants of this territory above that age who shall have declared on oath their intention to become citizens, and to support the Constitution of the In the House of Representatives, on the United States, at least six months previous to 22d of May, 1854, the vote on inserting Mr. the day of election, and who shall have resided Richardson's substitute for the Senate Kansas six months in the territory, and twenty days and Nebraska bill was as follows. Mr. Richin the county, next preceding the day of elec-ardson's substitute was the same as the Senate tion, and none others, shall be entitled to hold office or vote at any election in this territory. NEBRASKA AND KANSAS-Organic Law. Every free white male inhabitant above the age of twenty-one years, who shall be an actual resident of said territory, and shall Ga., Thomas H. Bayley of Va., Barksdale of Miss., Barry of

Miss., Bell of Texas, Iocock of Va., Boyce of S. C., Brecken- | ridge of Ky., Bridges of Pa., Brooks of S. C., Caskie of Va., Chastain of Ga., Chrisman of Ky., Churchwell of Tenn., Clark of Mich., Clingman of N. C., Cobb of Ala., Colquitt of Ga., Coz of Ky., Craige of N. C., Cumming of N. Y., Cutting of N. Y., John G. Davis of Ind., Dawson of Pa., Disney of O., Dowdell of Ala., Dunbar of La., Dunham of Ind., Edmondson of Va., John M. Elliott of Ky., English of Ind., Faulkner of Va., Florence of Pa., Fuller of Me., Goode of Va., Green of O., Greenwood of Ark., Grey of Ky., Hamilton of Md., Samson W. Harris of Ala., Hendricks of Ind., Horner of Ia., Hibbard of N. H., Hill of Ky., Hillyer of Ga., Houston of Ala., Ingersoll of Conn., George W. Jones of Tenn., J. Glancy Jones of Pa., Roland Jones of La., Kerr of N. C., Kidwell of Va., Kurtz of Pa., Lamb of Mo., Lane of Ind., Latham of Cal., Letcher of Va., Lilly of N. J., Lindley of Mo., McDonald of Me., McDougall of Cal., McNair of Pa., Maxwell of Fla., May of Md., John G. Miller of Mo., Smith Miller of Ind., Olds of O., Mordecai Oliver of Mo., Orr of S. C., Packer of Pa., John Perkins of La., Phelps of Mo., Philips of Ala., Powell of Va., Pratt of Conn., Preston of Ky., Ready of Tenn., Reese of Ga., Richardson of Ill., Riddle of Del., Robbins of Pa., Rowe of N. Y., Ruffin of N. C., Seymour of Conn., Shannon of O., Shaw of N. C., Shower of Md., Singleton of Miss., Samuel A. Smith of Tenn., William Smith of Va., William R. Smith of Ala., George W. Smith of Texas, Snodgrass of Va., Frederick P. Stanton of Tenn., Richard H. Stanton of Ky., Alexander II. Stephens of Ga., Straub of Pa., David Stuart of Mich., John J. Taylor of N. Y., Tweed of N. Y., Vail of N. J., Vansant of Md., Walbridge of N. Y., Walker of N. Y., Walsh of N. Y., Warren of Ark., Westbrook of N. Y., Witte of Pa., Daniel Wright of Miss., Hendrick B. Wright of Pa., Zollicoffer of Tenn.-115.

NATS-Messrs. Ball of O., Banks of Mass., Belcher of Con., Bennett of N. Y., Benson of Me., Benton of Mo., Bugg of Tenn., Campbell of O., Carpenter of N. Y., Chandler of Pa., Crocker of Mass., Cullom of Tenn., Curtis of Pa., Thomas Davis of R. I., Dean of N. Y., De Witt of Mass., Dick of Pa., Dickinson of Mass., Eastman of Wis., Edgerton of O., Edmands of Mass., Thomas D. Elliott of Mass., Ellison of O., Etheridge of Tenn., Everhart of Pa., Furley of Me., Fenton of N. Y., Flagler of N. Y., Gamble of Pa., GIDDINGS of O., Grow of Pa., Goodrich of Mass., Aaron Haslam of O., Andrew Haslam of Ind., Harrison of O., Hastings of N. Y., Haven of N. Y., Heister of Pa., Hove of Pa., Hughes of N. Y., Hunt of La., Johnson of O., Daniel T. Jones of N. Y., Kittredge of N. H., Knox of Ill., Lindsley of O., Lyon of N. Y., McCulloch of Pa., Mace of Ind., Matteson of N. Y., Mayall of Me., Meacham of Vt., Middleswarth of Pa., Millson of Va., Morgan of N. Y., Morrison of N. H., Murray of N. Y., Nichols of O., Noble of Mich., Norton of Ill., Andrew Oliver of N. Y., Peck of N. Y., Parker of Ind., Pennington of N. J., Bishop Perkins of N. Y., Pringle of N. Y., Puryear of N. C., David Ritchie of Pa., Thomas Ritely of 0., Rogers of N. C., Russell of Pa., Sabin of Vt., Sage of N. Y., Sapp of O., Simmons of N. Y., Skelton of N. J., GERRIT SMITH of N. Y., Hester L. Stevens of Mich., Stratton of N. J. Andrew Stuart of O., John L. Taylor of O., Nathaniel G. Taylor of Tenn., Thurston of R. L., Tracy of Vt., Trout of Pa., Upham of Mass., Walley of Mass., Wade of O., Elihu B. Washburne of Ill., Israel Washburne of Me., Wells of Wis., John Wentworth of Ill., Tappen Wentworth, Wheeler of N.

Y., Yates of Ill-96.

YEAS-Messrs. Bayard of Del., Bell of Tenn., Brodhead of Pa., Brown of Mo., Clayton of Del., Pearce of Md., and NAYS.-Messrs. Allen of R. L., Atchison of Mo., Benjamin of La., Butler of S. C., Cass of Mich., CHASE of O., Clay, of

Ala., Dawson of Ga., Dodge of Wis., Douglass of Ill., Fish of
N. Y., Fitzpatrick of Ala., Foot of Vt., GILLETTE of Conn.,
Gwin of Cal., Hunter of Va., James of R. I., Johnson of
Ark., Jones of la., Jones of Tenn., Mallory of Fla., Mason
of Va., Morton of Fla., Norris of N. H., Pettit of Ind., Pratt
of Md., Rusk of Tex., Sebastian of Ark., Seward of N. Y.,
Shields of Ill., Slidell of La., Stuart of Mich., SUMNER of
Mass., Thomson of N. J., Toombs of Ga., Toucey of Conn.,
Wade of O., Walker of Wis., Weller of Cal., Williams of N.
H., Wright of N. J.-41.

This vote cannot be considered a test vote, as the friends of the bill determined to vote down all amendments, so as not to send it back to the House.

On the 21st of February, 1857, the bill of the House to authorize the people of Minnesota to form a state government, being before the Senate, Mr. Biggs, of N. C., moved the following amendment to the same:

Provided, That only citizens of the United States shall be entitled to vote at the election provided for by this act.

The following debate ensued:

Mr. Douglas said. The organic act, creating the territory of Minnesota many years since, provided that—

"Every free white male inhabitant above the age of twenty-one years, who shall have been a resident of the said territory at the time of the passage of this act, shall be entitled to vote at the first election, and shall be eligible to any office in the said territory; but the qualifications of voters and of holding office at all subsequent elections shall be such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative Assembly: Provided, That the right of suffrage and of holding office shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States and those who have declared on oath their intention to become such, and shall have taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this act."

That was the organic law of the territory. Under that law the territorial legislature have prescribed the qualifications of voters. The present bill provides that the legal voters of Minnesota may assemble and elect delegates to a convention, to form a constitution and state government for admission into the Union,. leaving the qualifications of voters in the territory for this purpose, precisely what they have been ever since the territory was organized, and as they are now fixed by law. I see no reason why we should change the existing law of Minnesota on that point for this one election, when there is no pretence that any evil consequences have grown out of the exercise of the elective franchise under the present law. If my friend from North CaroÎina could show me that any injurious conse-quences had grown out of the law of Minnesota fixing the qualifications of voters, there would be an argument in favor of the change; but there is no objection on that score: no consideration of that kind has been urged. The amendment, therefore, is only to carry out a theory of the Senator, and not to remedy any practical existing evil in the territory.

My friend from North Carolina is entirely mistaken in the supposition that it has been the uniform practice in laws enabling territories to become states, to restrict the right of voting to citizens of the United States. I have sent for the laws, and will present them if it be necessary, in the course of the discussion,