place in it; though he is not aware that he has sacrificed to the demands of a limited space, anything, the omission of which would materially depreciate the character of the work. He makes no especial dedication of his production; but resigns it to his fellow citizens, who take an interest in such matters, for their use and convenience. THE POLITICAL TEXT-BOOK. Abolition Party. RISE AND PROGRESS of. THE extraordinary increase numerically of the Abolition or Anti-Slavery party of this country cannot be better illustrated than by an exhibit of the increase of its vote, each succeeding election from its initiation as a national organization to the present day. It first made its appearance in national politics in the Presidential contest of 1840, when its ticket, with James G. Birney of Michigan as its candidate for the Presidency, and Francis J. Lemoyne of Pennsylvania, as its Vice-Presidential candidate, polled 7000 votes. In 1844, with Mr. Birney again as its candidate, it polled 62,140 votes. In 1848, with Martin Van Buren as the Presidential candidate of the Buffalo Convention, and Gerrit Smith as that of the more ultra anti-slavery men, it polled 296,232 votes. In 1852, John P. Hale, its nominee, polled 157,296 votes. In 1856, the candidate of the Republican party, John C. Fremont, supported by the entire Abolition party, polled 1,341,812 votes. nature better than all the world besides, and that in consequence they were found meddling to do. He was in favor of laying the petition with concerns with which they had nothing on the table. He would never consent to refer petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. Messrs. Fitzsimmons and Hartley of Pennsylvania, Parker, Madison and Page of Virginia, Lawrence of New York, Sedgewick of Massachusetts, Boudinot of New Jersey, Sherman and Huntington of Connecticut, favored a reference. Messrs. Smith, Tucker, and Burke of South Carolina, Baldwin and Jackson of Georgia opposed a reference, for very much the same reasons advanced by Mr. Stone, and in favor of its going to the table. On the next day the following memorial was presented and read: "A memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and the improvement of the African race. "The memorial respectfully showeth : "That, from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an association was formed, several years since, in this state, by a number of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large number of their fellow-creatures, of the African race. They have also the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and abroad. "That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of happi ness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the political creed of America fully coincides with the position. "Your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses arising from slavery, believe it to be their indispensable duty to present this subject to your notice. They have observed, with real satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in you, for promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty to the people of the United States;' and, as they conceive that these blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of color to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in the pleasing expectation that nothing which can be done for the relief of the unhappy objects of their care will be either omitted or delayed. men would, they would do things which would incur punishment, and cause their owners to use a severity with them they were not accustomed to. Mr. Smith of S. C., amongst other things said, that the states would have never entered into the confederacy unless their property had been guarantied to them, for such is the state of agriculture in that country, that without slaves it must be abandoned. Why will these people then make use of arguments to induce the slave to turn his hand against his mas ter? A gentleman can hardly come from that country with a servant or two, either to this place or Philadelphia, but there are persons trying to seduce his servants to leave him, and when they have done this, the poor wretches are obliged to rob their master, in order to obtain their subsistence; all, therefore, who are concerned in this seduction are accessories to the robbery. ** We look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the property of our country; it is, therefore, our duty to oppose it by every means in our power. Mr. Page of Va., said he lived in a state which had the misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves; he held many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business as any gentleman. If he was to hold them in eternal bondage, he would feel no uneasiness on account of the present menace, because he would rely upon the virtue of Congress that they would not exercise any unconstitutional authority. "From a persuasion that equal liberty was BENJ. FRANKLIN, President. Mr. Tucker of S. C., was sorry it had had a second reading, as it contained an unconstitutional request, for which he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of it would be a very alarming circumstance to the Southern States, for if it was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure, it would be considered an interference with their rights, making them uneasy under the government, and causing them to lament that they had ever put additional power into their hands. He was surprised to see another memorial on the same subject, signed by a man* who ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a mischievous attempt as it respected the persons in whose favor it was intended. It would buoy them up with hopes without a foundation, and as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened * Benjamin Franklin. After a long debate, the memorial was com by a vote of yeas 43, nays 11. The nays were, Messrs. Baldwin, Jackson, and Matthews of Ga.; Bland and Coles of Va.; Burke, Hager, Smith, and Tucker of S. C.; Stone of Md.; and Sylvester of N. Y. The other memorials were in like manner referred. The committee to whom the memorials were referred, made a report, which was referred to the committee of the whole House, which amended the report of the select committee, and resolved, amongst other things: "That Congress have no authority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them within any of the states: it remaining with the several states alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require." On the 26th of Nov., 1792, a memorial of Warner Mifflin, one of the people called Quakers, was presented and read to the House, stating certain reflections for the consideration of Congress, and in relation to the African slave-trade, and to the humane treatment of slaves in the United Sates. It was ordered that the said memorial and representation do lie on the table. Mr. Swanwick defended their right to petition. On the 28th of Nov., Mr. Steele of N. C., [ought to be referred to the Committee on the called the attention of the House to the above Fugitive Slave Law. He believed them to be memorial of Warner Mifflin. He was sur-free people, and contended that they had an prised to find this subject started anew by a undoubted right to petition the House and to be heard. fanatic, who, not content with keeping his own conscience, undertook to become the keeper of the consciences of other men ; and, in a manner which he deemed not very decent, had intruded his opinions upon this House. Had an application been made to him to present such a petition, he would have avoided a compliance with it. Gentlemen of the North do not realize the mischievous consequences which have already resulted from measures of this kind; and, if a stop were not put to it, the Southern States would be compelled to apply to the General Government for their interference. He concluded by moving, "that the paper purporting to be a petition from Warner Mifflin, be returned to him by the Clerk of the House; and that the entry of said petition be expunged from the Journal." Mr. Ames of Mass., who had presented the petition, defended his presentation of it on the ground of the general right of every citizen to petition Congress. The petitioner's representative being absent, he had not, on that account, felt at liberty to decline presenting it. He had no idea of supporting the prayer of the petition; but had made up his mind long since that it was inexpedient to interfere with the subject. That part of the motion directing the petition to be returned, was agreed to. The remainder was withdrawn by Mr. Steele, the mover. On the 30th of Jan., 1797, Mr. Swanwick of Pa., presented the petition of four slaves, who had been emancipated as they allege, representing that, under some law enacted by North Carolina, they could again be reduced to slavery; that they had escaped to Pennsylvania to avoid its effects; and petitioned Congress to look into the matter, as also to the case of a fellow black, who was once manumitted, and, under the same law of North Carolina, was again reduced to slavery; and who, escaping therefrom, was lying in the jail of Philadelphia, under the sanction of the act of the General Government called the Fugitive Slave Law, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Swanwick hoped the petition would be referred to a select committee. Mr. Blount from N. C., hoped it would not even be received. He said, under the law of North Carolina they were slaves, and could be seized as such. Mr. Thatcher of Mass., thought the petition Mr. Blount said the laws of North Carolina did not permit a man to manumit his slaves. Mr. Sitgreaves of Pa., defended the petition. Mr. Heath was clearly convinced that there people were slaves, and that the object of their fature of the state, and not the United States. petition was within the jurisdiction of the legis Mr. Madison of Va., thought it a judicial case. If they are free by the laws of North Carolina, they ought to apply to those laws and have their privileges established. He thought they could obtain their due in a court of appeals in that state. Messrs. Rutherford and Gilbert defended a reference. Mr. W. Smith thought that the petition ought to be sealed up and sent back to the petitioners. Mr. Christie was much surprised that any gentleman would present such a petition, and hoped the gentleman from Pennsylvania would never hand in such a one again. Mr. Holland contended that it was a judicial question, and that the House ought not to pretend to determine the point. Mr. Macon of N. C., contended that justice would be done them in his state. He conceived it a delicate matter for the general government to act on, and hoped the petition would not be committed. Mr. W. Smith, alluding to a remark of Mr. Thatcher, that he wished to draw these people from a state of slavery into liberty, did not think that they were sent there to take up the subject of emancipation. Mr. Varnum of Mass., and Mr. Kitchell, defended the right of the memorialists to petition, and hoped their petition would be re ceived and be committed. The motion to receive the petition was negatived. Yeas 33; Noes 50. Pa., presented a memorial of the annual meeting of Quakers, relative to the oppressed state of their African brethren, particularly those in North Carolina, who had been manumitted and again reduced to slavery. It also was directed against every species of extravagance and dissipation, such as gaming, horse-racing, cock fighting, shows, plays, and other expensive diversions and entertainments. On the 30th of Nov., 1797, Mr. Gallatin of The reception of the petition was debated select committee, consisting of Messrs. Sitat great length. Finally it was referred to a greaves of Pa., Nicholas of Va., Dana of Conn., Schureman of N. J., and Smith of Md. On the 29th of Jan., 1798, Mr. Sitgreaves, from the select committee, reported that the facts referred to in the petition were exclusively of judicial cognisance; that therefore it is not competent for the Legislature to do anything in the business, and recommend that the memorialists have leave to withdraw their memorial. breathed the general spirit of emancipation and though its request began with the District, its ulterior purpose went much further. He opposed the printing. The motion to print was negatived by a large majority. On the 12th of December, 1831, Mr. John On the 14th of Feb., 1798, the House con- Quincy Adams presented fifteen petitions from curred in the report of the committee. numerous inhabitants of Pennsylvania, pray The same petition was presented in the ing the abolition of slavery in the District of Senate, but withdrawn. In the Senate, on the 21st of Jan., 1805, Mr. Logan of Pa., presented the memorial of the representatives of the Quakers, pleading the cause of their oppressed and degraded fellow men of the African race, and praying that Congress may adopt effectual measures to prevent the introduction of slavery into the territories of the United States. On the question shall the petition be ceived, it was decided in the affirmative. Columbia, and the abolition of the slave-trade therein. So far as the latter desire was concerned, he thought it a proper subject of legislation by Congress, and that the petitions on that account should be referred to the committee on the District of Columbia. As to the other prayer of the petition, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, he deemed it his duty to say that he would not support it. Whatever his opinion of slavery in the abre-stract, or of slavery in the District of Columbia might be, he hoped the subject would not be discussed in the House. He would say that the most salutary medicine unduly administered, was the most deadly poison. YEAS.-Messrs. Adams of Mass., Bayard of Del., Brown of Ky., Condit of N. J., Franklin of N. C., Hillhouse of Conn., Howland of R. I., Logan of Pa., Maclay of Pa., Mitchill of N. Y., Olcott of N. H., Pickering of Mass., Plumer of N. H., Smith of O., Smith of Vt., Stone of N. C., Sumter of S. C., White of Del., and Worthington of 0.-19. NAYS.-Messrs. Anderson of Tenn., Baldwin of Geo., Bradley of Vt., Cocke of Tenn., Jackson of Geo., Moore of Va., Smith of Md., Smith of N. Y., and Wright of Md.-9. The petition was referred to the committee on the District of Columbia. Mr. Doddridge, of Va., from the said com A like memorial was presented in the House mittee, on the 19th of Dec. made a report, askon the same day, and referred. During the month of January, 1817, several petitions were presented against the slavetrade between the middle and southern states, which were read and referred. During the first session of the 16th Congress, sundry petitions were presented against the introduction of slavery into any state thereafter to be admitted, some of which were referred and others merely read. On the 12th of February, 1827, Mr. Barney of Md., presented to the House a memorial of certain citizens of Baltimore, Md., praying that a law may be passed providing that all children hereafter born of parents held to slavery, within the District of Columbia, shall be free at a certain age, and moved that it be printed. Mr. McDuffie of S. C., opposed the printing of the memorial. Mr. Cook of Ill., moved to lay it on the table; which motion the chair pronounced to be out of order. Mr. Powell of Va., opposed the printing, Mr. Barney had made the motion to print, because the memorialists had requested him to do so. He was perfectly content to acquiesce in the decision of the House. Mr. Dorsey of Md., conceived the memorial ing to be discharged from the further consideration of so much of said petitions, as asked the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In the Senate, January 7, 1836, Mr. Morris of Ohio, presented several petitions from citizens of Ohio, one of which was signed by ladies, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and moved to refer them to the committee on the District of Columbia. Mr. Calhoun asked that the question should first be taken on receiving the petition. He demanded it on the part of the state he represented, because one-half the Union was deeply slandered in these petitions. The Senate had refused to receive petitions, because they implicated members of that body. Were they to put more reprobation on the slander of an individual member, than on the slander of sovereign states? He demanded the question, because these memorials aimed at a violation of the constitution, and because he was averse to an agitation which would sunder the Union. It was agitation here that they feared, because it would compel the southern press to discuss the question in the very presence of the slaves, who were induced to believe that there was a powerful party at the north, ready to assist them. As a lover of the Union he objected to receiving them, nay, they must cease or the southern people never can be satisfied. And |