pose of providing means of defence against the French and Indians.

In 1752, an article appeared in a Philadelphia newspaper, understood to have been from the pen of Dr. Franklin, in which a voluntary union, originating in the colonies themselves, and under their exclusive control and management, was advocated as preferable to one imposed by Parliament. The writer thought it would be very strange, if six nations of ignorant savages should be capable of forming a scheme for such a union, and be able to execute it in such a manner as that it has subsisted for ages, and that yet a like union should be impracticable for ten or a dozen English colonies, to whom it was more necessary and must be more advantageous.

In accordance with these and other similar suggestions, commissioners from several of the colonies, including Virginia and all the colonies north of it, assembled at Albany in the summer of 1754, to which Dr. Franklin submitted a project of union.

Hitherto all the propositions for a union of the colonies, looked mainly to a means of common defence against the hostile demonstrations of the aborigines and the threatened and attempted encroachments of the French. But the conquest of Canada by the united arms of England and America, ushered in a new era of our history. The French power had substantially disappeared from the continent, and the Indians, weakened and exhausted by their long struggles with the superior race, were disposed to peace. But instead of the repose which the colonies might have reasonably anticipated from the retirement of their natural and ancient enemies, they were immediately precipitated into a still more severe and momentous struggle with their mother country. They had contended with the savage for the right to occupy the continent and turn its wilderness into fruitful fields and with the French for the right of growth and expansion. They were now to contend with the more formidable power of the mother country for existence as a free people, From their earliest settlement the colonies had recognized a quasi allegiance to the British crown, but they had, at the same time, claimed and exercised the right of sub

stantial self-government. While the French power hovered over their northern border, this right, although repeatedly threatened, was successfully maintained. But no sooner had the British government, by the aid of the colonies, triumphed over their rival, than they instituted a series of measures for the subjugation of the colonies themselves. These led to what may be properly regarded as the first "American Congress.”

On the 6th of June, 1765, James Otis introduced into the House of Delegates of Massachusetts, a proposition "for calling an American Congress, which should come together without asking the consent of the king, and should consist of committees from each of the thirteen colonies, to be appointed directly by the delegates of the people without regard to the other branches of the legislature." The immediate object was to concert measures for a general resistance to the stamp act. The measure was adopted, and letters were sent to all the colonies, inviting the meeting of the Congress in the following October.

Nine colonies, represented by twenty-eight delegates, assembled in the city of New York on the 7th of that month.

After the examination of the credentials of the members, they proceeded by ballot to the election of president, and TIMOTHY RUGGLES, of Massachusetts, was declared to be duly elected, and conducted to the chair.

This was unquestionably the signal gun which aroused the continent, and called to a concentration of its energies for the great struggle of the Revolution. Before, however, these proceedings could have become known in the sister colonies, they were aroused to simultaneous action. The celebrated resolutions of Patrick Henry were passed in the House of Burgesses of Virginia on the last day of May.

The hope of OTIS, the originator of the movement, was, that a Union would be formed, which in its result, would "knit and work into the very blood and bones of the original system, every region as fast as settled.” How fully has this aspiration been realized! And the magnanimous Gadsden of South Carolina said, in his opening speech "We should stand upon the broad common

ground of those natural rights that we all feel and know as men. There ought to be no New England man, no New Yorker, known on the continent, but all of us Americans."

The immediate result of this movement was a complete triumph of the colonies, in the repeal of the obnoxious law but the ultimate result is yet to be developed by the progress and destiny of the American Union. The idea of a union of the colonies for mutual support and defence, had become the pervading sentiment of the popular mind. They began to speak of each other as "sister colonies," and regard for the common interests became interwoven with all their ideas of patriotism. "If Boston suffered, Charleston rushed to her relief, with the unselfish and prodigal zeal of a sister's love."

In 1766, Mayhew of Boston, suggested whether "it would not be decorous for our Assembly to send circulars to all the rest, expressing a desire to cement union among ourselves? A good foundation for this," he adds, "has been laid by the Congress at New York." And in 1768, the House of Representatives of Massachusetts directed a circular letter, drafted by Samuel Adams, to be despatched to each House of Representatives or of Burgesses, on the continent, with that object in view. When intelligence of this proceeding reached England, it was regarded by the ministry as a movement to prepare the country for rebellion and revolution; and it was determined that immediate measures must be taken to curb the independent spirit of the offending province. Orders were sent to the governors of the other twelve colonies, warning them to give no countenance to the "seditious paper." The Burgesses of Virginia, regardless of these warnings, responded to the call of Massachusetts, assured her of their applause and support, and directed their speaker "to write to the respective speakers of all the assemblies on the continent, to make known their proceedings and to intimate how necessary they thought it that the colonies should unite." The Assembly of South Carolina, "sitting with its doors locked, unanimously directed its speaker to signify to both provinces its entire approbation" of the course they had adopted. The other colonies manifested the same determination to make common cause in defence of the "liberties of America."

In 1769, the House of Burgesses of Virginia passed resolutions, claiming for that body "the sole right of imposing taxes on the inhabitants" of that dominion, and "asserted the lawfulness and expediency of procuring a concert of the colonies in case of the violated rights of America." These resolutions were directed to be communicated "to every legislature in America,” asking their concurrence. Encouraged by this bold and manly position of the Old Dominion, the other colonies adopted the same or similar resolutions.

The assembly of New York took one step in advance of the positions assumed by the other colonies, by passing resolutions inviting each province, without waiting for further aggressions, to elect delegates at once, to a general congress, "which should exercise legislative power for them all." Virginia concurred in the proposition, but the other colonies were not prepared for so bold and decided a step at that time.

Towards the close of the year 1772 was brought into operation that great institution, which has been declared to have included the whole Revolution, "THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE.” Simple and unostentatious in its organization, it became the germ of a power which not only conducted the American colonies to independence and established a republic which already extends from ocean to ocean, and controls the destiny of one half the world; but which, by force of example, overturned the most ancient and powerful thrones of the other hemisphere, and annihilated the feudal institutions which had enslaved the peoples of Europe for ten centuries. This powerful engine of the popular will was called into being by the fertile intellect and fervid patriotism of SAMUEL ADAMS, a name not unworthy to be inscribed upon the same imperishable tablet of the American heart, with that of George WASHINGTON.

On the 2d of November, 1772, the citizens of Boston were assembled in town-meeting, to take into consideration the "rights of the colonists," and "the infringements and violations thereof." They had been warned by the royal governor, that the law did not authorize town-meetings to meddle with such matters. They, however, resolved that they "had and ought to have, a right” to con

sider their "grievances," "and to communicate their sentiments to other towns."

To this mass meeting of the citizens of Boston, assembled for consultation upon the great questions involved in the controversy waged between themselves and their country on one side, and the British government on the other, touching the "rights of America," and the aggressions of England, SAMUEL ADAMS, the representative man of the time, submitted the following resolution :

Resolved, "That a COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE be appointed, to consist of twenty-one persons, to state the rights of the colonists of this province in particular, as men, as Christians, and as subjects, to communicate and publish the same," &c.

The object was to secure a concert of action among the towns of the province, so that their delegates to the general assembly might be prepared, at their approaching session, to extend an invitation to the other colonies, to take measures for the assembling of another general congress.

This was a movement in the right direction, and based upon the fundamental principles of civil government. It contemplated the establishment of a government emanating immediately and directly from the will of the people, without the intervention of any of the preëxisting forms of law or government. Its result was, to repel the foreign domination with which they were threatened, by superseding the existing forms of authority, which were so interwoven with foreign elements as to be incompatible with the full enjoyment of their natural rights. It was the inauguration of a new era in the gradual development of American institutions.

"The flame caught," and in a short time all the principal towns were organized, with their committees of correspondence, acting in harmonious concert with that of Boston, and the breath of life was breathed into the "COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS." It ceased forever to be a dependency of a foreign jurisdiction.

In their first report submitted to the TowN-MEETING held in Faneuil Hall, on the 20th of November, the Committee enumerate, among the natural rights of the colonists, "the right to life, to liberty, and to property- the right to support and defend these and the right to change their allegiance for their sake;" thus dis