the rich, who spare no expense in their education: it is known, how lavish they are in this, compared with other expenditures; they are right, too, for it is in this way only, that they can maintain their rank in society. No man is at liberty to abandon the rational privileges which God has given him in opportunities of superior knowledge. It is plain, that the mass of our people, have not a just sensibility upon this subject. It is the duty of their legislators to inspire them with it. As the taste for a higher and better education advances, books will be written and provided, to gratify that taste: the demand for them will create them. These books will, as they should, come out of the genius of our own country, illustrate our history, pourtray our manners, expose our peculiar vices and follies, and teach that which belongs to us, as a free and privileged people. Now we are tributary to another nation. They write for themselves, and not for us. It is well known, that Mr. Edward Livingston, in preparing a penal code for the State of Louisiana, which will endear his name to all enlightened and benevolent men in every country, among other important suggestions, recommends that it be taught in all the schools. With us the knowledge of the rights and duties of a citizen, should make a part of the earliest education of the youth. His mind should be imbued with it, from the moment he can understand the part he is to act in a free country. This involves a knowledge of the history of his country, of its institutions, the practice of its courts, and of the great principles of law civil and criminal. There can be no doubt whatever, that the most important of these can be rendered intelligible to common capacities, and that the wide distinctions which now exist among different classes, are absurdly artificial, and have no foundation in the nature of man. To what other cause can we attribute even now, the efficient character of our people admitted on all sides, their capacity for business, public and private, than an understanding, imperfect as it may be, of these general principles? But they should be taught in the schools; nothing, however, can be taught, but that which is known. To what end shall we talk of teaching, when teachers are not to be found?

No school fund could greatly improve our schools, while the instructers are so lamentably deficient. We must turn our attention to the true source of the evil; and while we would avoid the gross indelicacy of speaking unfavorably of the schools of our sister states, it is due to truth, that we should mention the condition of the schools in Connecticut, to show that we want not only more competent school funds, but also a fund of competent knowledge in the instructers. In the institution which we contemplate, young men would be educated in such a way, as to supply the wants of the common schools. It would furnish the best preparatory education,

and not a few would resort to it, to qualify themselves for the profession of schoolmasters, thus becoming, as in time it must be, a regular occupation; an occupation too, for that description of persons, who, from their relative rank and standing in society, would be best fitted to be teachers in the common schools.

But this is not all, in reference to the bearing which the proposed institution must have upon the improvement, and prosperity of common schools. Let us not deceive ourselves; the great improvements in society in every age, have come from men of education; theirs is the first suggestion, and so it will continue to be. In what other way can we arrange, around these common schools, a band of efficient, enlightened patrons and friends, than by filling the State with men of liberal knowledge? It is in vain to hope that any great improvements will be introduced into them, unless that class be numerous, who are capable of appreciating their value, and of raising the standard of knowledge. In all provisions for education, it is necessary to remember that we live in a period in which the human mind is making efforts, of which we find no counterpart in former times; and that what was deemed a good education for the common people thirty years since, has ceased to be so regarded. We will no further enlarge upon this topic, but conclude by observing, that the greatest fund which we can now raise for common schools, and by far the most efficient, will be in the endowment of an institution, which, at little expense to the individual, shall spread useful knowledge over the State, through the great classes of merchants, mechanics, and farmers. The bounty solicited, will be by far the greatest benefaction ever imparted by the State to the poor and middling classes. It will be a law for them. Here we might bring our observations to a close, as we have briefly touched upon every topic which we consider connected with the subject; some of them, however, seem to admit with propriety of further remark.*

It is a matter of astonishment, that in a country, in which business and labor constitute distinction, there should have been no public provision made for the education of any class, but of that which is professional.

The state of our grammar schools, common schools, and academies, cannot be considered as a fair exception to the truth of this remark.

The question for the legislature is now reduced within narrow limits, and that is, whether it be expedient, that the colleges should receive, without participation, all the bounty of the State, granted to liberal education? If this be truly the question, it would seem, that public opinion has settled it, and though we may choose to pro

*See note A, at the end of the Report.

crastinate, our successors will be compelled to act with decision. No man could do otherwise than disgrace himself, who should come forward with any system of hostility to the colleges, and the professional classes. In a great and prosperous country, these should

and will have an elevated rank.

The colleges have been nursed by the State, and so we trust they will continue to be, according to her ability and the requisite provisions for other objects, and that she will never lose sight of the deep interest which she has in them.

Those who pass through the colleges, must, upon an average, devote not less than four or five years, if the period of preparation be considered, to dead languages.

Thus it is, that no youth can receive a liberal education, unless this period, and the most precious of his life, be wasted, for waste it may be considered, except to a few.

We may venture to say, that education among us cannot long exist in a state like this. The system is foreign, and not American; there is little in it suited to our peculiar institutions, or becoming our rank in the world.

Colleges, which were monkish establishments, are even with us, and at this time of the day, the only places where what may be called education can be acquired.

Our academies and schools cannot be named as fit resorts to furmish a man with that liberal knowledge, which multitudes among our farmers and mechanics are eager to obtain, and which would render them ornaments of society, and better fitted for places of public usefulness.

The commissioners have already mentioned the pursuits, which they suppose will receive attention in this institution, with the intention, however, of briefly recurring to the mention of some of them.

When this subject was first brought before the legislature, many gentlemen supposed, that nothing but a mere agricultural school, was proposed. It already appears, however, that the project embraces a much wider range; that this is only a part, still an important part. How important, will be obvious from a moment's attention to the subject. Agriculture is a science, few employments are in their nature more intellectual. The common laborer has, however, in former periods, been a mere machine, performing its work in the same manner for ages. If there have been improvements, it is undeniable, that they have proceeded generally from those, who have had science, capital, leisure and taste for the employment. If these have not reaped the profit, for profit with them is not so much the object, the community have. 20

VOL. I.

At this institution will be exhibited specimens of farming; varieties of plants and seeds will be collected; fruits will be cultivated; labor-saving improvements and machines tried; economical modes practised; a knowledge of the different breeds of animals, their habits, diseases, the mode of rearing and fattening, promulgated; books upon these various subjects will be furnished; and, in fine, every thing communicated, which has a tendency to enable a farmer to practise his art with the greatest profit, success, and pleasure. The community will be filled with intelligent agriculturists, who, in their turn, must become the instructers of others. Thus, if there be capital improvements, they will be eagerly sought for, and not have to contend with those deeply rooted prejudices, which keep things stationary for ages. Then will there pervade the community, an ambitious and honorable spirit of inquiry; men will talk, think, and write about things that are of real value, instead of spending their time idly, or what perhaps is as bad, wasting it upon insignificant discussions, which have little other tendency, than to narrow their minds, embitter their hearts, and show their ignorance. The solitary state of the man, who labors on the land, is the greatest hindrance to his improvement; the society itself, of such an establishment, will be the best of all schools. No man in the country will be so elevated, as not to be willing to be its patron and friend. Our institutions should be such, as to blend together for mutual improvement, all classes. There cannot be fellow-feeling between ignorance and refinement: history shows it, the mind of man demonstrates it: they are oil and water, amalgamation is impossible.

Political Economy.

The commissioners mean to propose nothing for this school, that is showy, expensive, and merely ornamental, but rather that which is useful and profitable, becoming the dignity and prosperous condition of an American citizen. If the time that has been devoted in the learned institutions of the world, to metaphysics, logic, and mystery, had been applied to the study of things that certainly do exist, instead of to those that may be, we should now have citizens better instructed in their duties, better morals, and better government. The labors of Smith, Say, and others, have rendered this a science, new to the world, to be sure, but deeply connected with the prosperity of any people.

Though there are in it, disputed principles, (in what science are there not?) still, in none are there to be found more truths, that are clear to common apprehension. It is the prudence and enlightened conduct of the family, extended to society; it teaches a moral

code to nations; shows them that the liberal virtues which prompt to unembarrassed trade and intercourse, are as profitable upon a great scale, as in their narrow domestic relations; that a good bargain may be good for both parties; that to have a rich commerce, we must have rich customers; that nations are profited by the peaceful policy of each other; that all plans to monopolise the trade of a world, are but the poor devices of hucksters, pedlars, and forestallers; that to enrich our own fields, it is not necessary to spread desolation over those of our neighbors; that war is only to be justified by the law of self-preservation; that when it breaks out, it becomes a great whirlpool, drawing into its abyss of ruin, nations ever so remote from the scene; and that though they may cry peace, peace,' there is no peace. In this, as in many other things, it will be found, that our free institutions have prepared our minds before hand, to embrace and understand clearly those principles, which, in other countries, philosophers have with so much difficulty labored to establish. It is now fifty years since Adam Smith wrote his 'Wealth of Nations,' (the 'Wealth of Nations,' it is justly called) and to this day multitudes of the enlightened portion of his countrymen understand lttlie of his principles, much less have they been able to bring them to bear upon existing regulations.

The first edition of Mr. Say's treatise upon this subject, was published at Paris, in the year 1803, since which time, it has been introduced into many of the universities of Europe, and into some in this country; and still, in public discussions in our national hall, these rational enlightened friends of mankind, have been, by way of derision, called philosophers, as though true philosophy, and the principles of business, could, by possibility, be at war with each other. Of the truths of this science, no American citizen in any public station whatever, should be ignorant. Who may not be called to public trusts here? It is because the responsibility of government devolves upon the people, that the people should be well instructed.

The commissioners have thus gone through an enumeration of those things that distinctly belong, in their opinion, to these institutions. Nothing is left for them to do, but to make a few remarks upon some collateral topics.

Every country has its peculiar character: nature perhaps creates it: institutions may greatly modify and add to its improvement. For the foundation of the sober, patient, discreet, sagacious character of our people, we may look to our early history, our rigid climate, stubborn hills, and iron bound coasts. The institutions for learning have done the rest. What nature has denied, ingenuity supplies. How else can we account for the fact, that we should have taken the lead in manufactures, when other states are richer,