their faces, and ranged themselves, together with their friends, in the ranks of the new party. Thus the Bonapartist party has become a national party. It is the product of a more enthusiastic rallying of the people of a greater and more homogeneous national impulse, than has agitated France since the establishment of the Empire. It is founded on sentiment, as that of the bourgeoisie was on interest-on the sentiments of the lower classes rather than the interests of the higher. It is no easy matter for any political party to find a secure and permanent basis in a nation so changeable as the French. But as much reliance may be placed, we think, on the sentiments of the rural laboring population, as on the principles of the more intelligent classes. A majority of the peasantry are, indeed, illiterate; yet they may almost be said to possess a monopoly of all the religious sentiment in the country. According to the accounts of the most recent travellers, *the first and last duties of the day, performed by the French peasant, are those of religion. At early morn he wends his way to the village church; and returning from the fields at nightfall, the men take down the spade from their shoulders, and the women relieve their arms of the market-basket, in order to offer up each his silent prayer at the social altar. The manners of both sexes, equally destitute of servility or insolence, are distinguished for their civility and courtesy. Their economy is remarkable; drunkenness is scarcely known among them; their neatness in all kinds of work is most exemplary; their cheerfulness of temper makes labor a recreation, rather than a drudgery. In fine, a more civil, sober, frugal, cleanly, industrious, or better dressed people than the peasantry of France, for persons in their condition, is nowhere to be found in Europe, hardly in the world. If, at the same time, the more independent classes of society in France are not destitute of solid virtues, yet they are more contaminated by heartless vices; and we believe it may be truly said, that, in none of the more enlightened nations, are the public men so destitute of settled principles, as the French politicians. This class of per * Colman's European Agriculture. 66 sons is not altogether to be relied upon in any country. But in France the ambition of politicians appears to be particularly selfish. Every one of them aims, first of all, at personal distinction, whatever be the consequences. It was a characteristic remark of Danton, in 1793, when he said, "La Republique serait sauvée, s'il y avait parmi nous un homme qui consentit à être le second"-The republic would be saved, if there was among us one man who would consent to be second. The passion for personal distinction is the ruling principle in France," observed Napoleon. Wily as Talleyrand, the politicians of that country are generally ready to support any government, or any party which will elevate themselves, and to desert every one whose fall is likely to carry them along with it. Their devotion, and that of the higher classes, whom they more immediately represent, can hardly be relied upon by any government with more confidence than may be safely placed in the instinetive sentiments of the peasantry and smaller landholders. Founded mainly on the strong attachments and the urgent necessities of the lower rural population, the new régime has not by any means the worst basis to build upon. It commences with fair auspices. What then will this new popular party do? What is likely to be the character of the Bonapartism of 1849? That Louis Napoleon is ambitious, we take for granted; otherwise he would be no Bonaparte. Still there appears to be no sufficient reasons for doubting that he is a man of honor, and that he designs to keep his word. He has solemnly sworn to maintain the present Constitution, and publicly declared that whosoever shall undertake to change the same by illegal means will be considered by him as an enemy of his country. But we do not believe that the party which has now come into power, will uphold a constitution which made neither by it, nor for it. Should the Bonapartists prove strong enough to change this instrument according to its provisions, they will undoubtedly do so; and will confer additional powers upon the chief of the nation. But the article on the revision of the Constitution provides that this fundamental law shall not be altered or amended, except by a convention of the was people, called for that purpose, by a vote of three quarters of the members of the National Assembly. This vote, also, must be taken three successive times at intervals of a month each; and the number of members each time voting must be at least five hundred. Should the friends of the President not be numerous enough in the Assembly to effect their purposes by pursuing this constitutional method, the new charter of government will be displaced, doubtless, by some degree of violence. We do not in any case apprehend another 18th of Brumaire. The President may keep the letter of his word. But his partisans will be ready enough to strike down the Constitution for him, should it become necessary to do so; and the people will ratify the act by a stronger vote than was ever cast to increase the powers of Napoleon himself. It would be premature to undertake to divine the precise form of government which is to arise under the new Restoration. Louis Napoleon has taken up the republic as he found it. The first thing to be done was to manage the Constituent Assembly during the brief remainder of its session, as well as might be; and for the accomplishment of this purpose, the President made the judicious choice of Odilon Barrot for his prime-minister. M. Barrot is not obnoxious to the legislative powers that be, is a prudent adviser withal, and is probably as well adapted to the present interim, in which nothing can be attempted, as any other person. But the moment the new Assembly shall be returned by the same party which elected the President, we presume a minister will take his place at the head of affairs, more susceptible of being inspired by new and great ideas than this moderate reformer and representative of the old juste milieu. The immediate future of France must depend very much upon the character which shall be developed by Louis Napoleon and his principal adviser. We say this, because it cannot escape the notice of any careful observer, that the French people themselves have no settled political convictions. Their future career, therefore, must be shaped for them, not by them. The only well-established political sentiment which prevails in France, is "all that of the equality of all citizens before the law. It was this sentiment which founded the first republic. Its paramount influence was recognized by Napoleon, when, after having established the Legion of Honor, he gave to Massena, the first French general, and to David, the first French painter, the same mark of distinction. Napoleon's power, in fact, never began to decline, until he began to do manifest violence to this common instinct of his countrymen. On the restoration of the Bourbons, it dictated that first article of the Charte, which declared Frenchmen to be equal in the eye of the law, whatsoever be their rank or titles." It acquired still greater strength under the Orleans dynasty; and now it has again founded the Republic. But the political principles, which in this country have become popular maxims, and which constitute the immovable basis of our institutions, the French have not as yet learned either from experience or instruction. They have been trained to make and unmake constitutions of government by means of revolutions; they have always been accustomed to live under laws maintained and executed by force; they have not learned to impose restraints upon themselves, from having always been under the restraint of the government; they have never acquired the art of managing their own affairs, because the ordering of all things has been done for them by a wisdom above them. As a people, they do not possess that amount of intelligence, and of general information, which is indispensable for the formation of political convictions. On the other hand, in the absence of such settled principles of public policy, the French people are susceptible of being inspired with the most ardent and the most chivalric impulses. They possess the old Greek susceptibility. Like Attica or Laconia, France is ever young, eager, active. Unlike her neighbors, she is capable of being completely absorbed by one passion. But England,. although capable of being inspired, particularly for the promotion of her own interests, is always agitated by a double emotion. There is always the great whig idea and the great tory idea, co-existent and conflicting. In Germany, enthusiasm is as easily concocted as small beer; but an Emperor as to make bonbons." The enthusiasm of the nation is aroused. France is ready to draw the sword and follow a Napoleon to the wars; or she is ready to thrust in the sickle and rejoice under the reign of a real Napoleon of peace. Cossack or republican, she is waiting to be made either. But one thing is indispensable; and that is, a man of genius at the head of affairs. France must be transformed from the first of the second rate powers, she had become under Louis Philippe, into a great empire or a great commonwealth; else she will transfer her President, at the end of his four years, into an obscurity which shall be only worse than oblivion. Should the course of events force the country into a new career of arms, then her victorious eagles must fly to the mountains of Italy, and the plains of Poland and Hungary; and an independent existence be secured for every oppressed nationality in Europe. To do this would require but an imitation of whatever was successful in the cam there are as many different shades of sentiment as there are principalities, and as many God-inspired priests of the people as there are jack-booted burschen. In Italy there is passion enough, but it is apt to evaporate quickly in words, without passing, as on the other side of the mountains, into action. France, too, is sufficiently chivalric to act for others as well as for herself. She accepts of glory for a reward. And in this respect, we readily acknowledge the inferiority of our own republic. The world might become republican or Cossack-we should not interfere to prevent it. We are ready to trade with it in either character. Not that we would wish to disparage the American policy of non-interference, which all the circumstances of our lot have imposed upon us as an inevitable, no less than a fortunate necessity. We pursue the interests, but we also cultivate the virtues, and carry forward the improvements of peace, so that notwithstanding our national policy is shaped with reference solely to our own aggrandizement, it is neverthe-paigning of the great Captain. But to less calculated to prove to be in the end most beneficial in its influence upon the world at large. France, with a different position, has a different character, and a different destiny. She is appointed to be the great mover and civilizer of Europe. In the fulfillment of this misson, hers has become the most dramatic of histories recorded in modern, if not in ancient times. It must continue to be so, at least so long as the present type of national character remains unchanged. Such being the temperament of France, it follows that an ample opportunity is now presented for a great master-mind to originate a popular dominion, which shall introduce into that country, and ultimately into other parts of Europe, whatever is true and good in the political and social principles-whatever is practicable and beneficent in the scientific discoveries-whatever is useful and ornamental in the various modern arts-and whatever, too, may be conducive to still farther progress in the improvements of the nineteenth century. It is considerations like these which induce us to say that the immediate future of France is held by her new chief, as in the hollow of his hand. It is as easy for us," said General Changarnier, "to make establish the reign of a dignified as well as a prosperous peace, which should fill the lap of France with plenty for all, which should beautify the land with the monuments of useful and elegant art, and make Paris as magnificent as Athens under the rule of Pericles-this would be the labor of a still more original genius. Of such there is now pressing need. There is need of prudent, self-possessed energy in the government to maintain the cause first of civil order, and then of national honor. There is an absolute necessity for the immediate invention of a new system of financiering, which shall reduce the public expenditures from the enormous sum of three hundred and thirty millions of dollars, with a constantly increasing annual deficit, and save the state from the now imminent bankruptcy. There must be bold, farreaching plans, laid by a forecast which shall know how to provide for the harmonious existence, and the free advancement of all the great interests of the country. Especially must there be the conception and the carrying through of a system of policy which shall better the fortunes and elevate the character of the lower, the dependent classes. Freedom of competition gives as much advantage to capital and skill over labor and ignorance as did the old monopolies. Therefore the interests of the higher classes will need no other protection than stable civil order, and gradually progressive legislation; and these being guarantied to them, the main energies of the government must be directed to the raising up of the inferior orders, until the whole nation shall become fitted for and endowed with the substantial blessings of free local, as well as free national institutions. These are the great works now to be done by Bonapartism-or nothing. France is like clay in the hands of the potter-but is Louis Napoleon the artist to mould the mass into the proportions of beauty and durability? As yet, he certainly has not given evidence of possessing any extraordinary talent. Still, it is not altogether impossible that new intellectual resources may be developed by his new position. Many a man lacks only an opportunity to become a hero. Louis Napoleon's confidence in his destiny, particularly since that confidence has turned out to be an intelligent and well-founded one, does not argue an ordinary character. It was of late the fashion to ridicule the attempts of Strasbourg and Boulogne as the puerile sallies of a mad-cap, but recent events have demonstrated that the Prince's be judgment of the dispositions of the French people was right, and the world's opinion was wrong. The enthusiasm for the Bonaparte empire existed in a quiescent state, and only waited for a turn in events to sweep like the wind over the cottages of France. But whatever may be the intellectual deficiencies of the President, we are disposed to think that they may sufficiently supplied, as, for the most part, they have been since his re-appearance on the scene of public affairs, by a fortunate choice of councillors. Since his election he appears to have succeeded in so entertaining the hopes, as to have neutralized in a great measure the opposition of nearly all the politicians, whether of the old bourgeoisie, or of the new republic. course will, no doubt, be pursued until the meeting of a Bonapartist Assembly shall enable him to choose the greatest statesman of France for his official adviser, and to obtain relief from those trammels of the present Constitution which render the action of the chief of the nation uncertain and ineffectual. We await with deep interest and some fears the completion of these preliminary arrangements, when France shall receive, as it were, the word of command to march upon her new ca reer. This J. M. M. SONNET.-TO A BAS-BLEU. "ROLL on, thou deep and dark-blue ocean-roll!” But I forget myself 'tis not the sea I would address in bold apostrophy; 'Tis thou, of thought profound and virgin soul, Whose single blessedness I fain condole. "Time writes no wrinkle on thine azure brow," For, in the eldest gossip's memory, Thou wert as old and blue as thou art now; CALIBAN. THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC IN THE ISLAND OF ST. DOMINGO. NUMBER TWO. THE new government went into operation under many difficulties, arising chiefly from the slender financial resources of the country. But notwithstanding these difficulties, it has thus far continued its operations without, we believe, the least foreign aid whatever. One of its first measures was the emission of a paper currency, based on the government credit. We have not at hand the means of ascertaining the amount is sued the first fiscal year, 1844-5.* In the second, there was issued in paper and alloyed copper-mostly the former-the sum of $1,123,898 53; and in the third or last reported fiscal year, 1846-7, in paper only, $771,830.† The whole amount issued cannot be far from four millions. Like all such emissions, made under similar circumstances, this paper soon and gradually depreciated; though the government arrested its downward tendency, so far as could be done by such a measure, by fixing its custom-house value at $160 the doubloon, when it had reached that point of depreciation. In this paper the disbursements for the civil lists are made by the government, which, on the other hand, received it in payment of the export and a part of the import duties. *The fiscal year commenced on the first day of July. tReport of the Minister of Finance: "Santo Domingo; Imprenta Nacional; año 1848"-(St. Domingo; Government Press, 1848.) Or one-tenth its nominal value. Subsequently, July 1, 1847, the market value of doubloons was $195a$200, paper. In other words, the latter was worth 81a8 cents specie to the dollar. And a year subsequently, July 1, 1848, the market value of doubloons was $240a$256 paper; or the latter, 63a6 cents specie to the dollar; at which latter date silver coins began to come into circulation. (Private memoranda and personal recollection.) We pass now to consider the commerce, the sources of revenue, and the state of finances of the republic. There are four ports of entry in the republic; two only of which, however, are of any note, and divide between them, in about equal proportions, nearly the whole foreign commerce of the State. These are, the city of St. Domingo on the south, and Puerto Plata, (Port au Platte, under the Haytians,) on the north; the remaining two inconsiderable ones being Samaná, on the large bay of the same name on the northeast, and the port of Azua on the south, to the west of the capital. The foreign commerce of the country is carried on in foreign vessels; the small national mercantile marine being only employed in the coastwise trade; though vessels owned by citizens of the republic occasionally visit foreign ports, under the protection of a foreign, generally a Danish register. The number of vessels that were cleared from the several ports during the fiscal year 1845-6, was 205; and the following year, 240.* The staple products of the country, in the exportation of which this amount of shipping is employed, are, mahogany and tobacco, principally; together with smaller quantities of other woods, gums, honey, hides, and so forth,t the |