been in his power to prevent the rupture of the negotiation at Brussels, M. Esmangart added that he had pleasure in believing that I would return to the disposition which I had announced to him in the dispatch which M. Aubert had been charged to deliver to him. In support of this assertion, M. Laujon made endeavours to induce me to send an agent to France, affirming that the king's government rendered dependent upon this step the formality of the recognition of the independence of Hayti, after the bases of the 10th of May, 1821.

So much perseverance on the part of M. Esmangart, in pursuing the accomplishment of this great work, determined me to reply to his last letter by my dispatch of the 4th February, 1824, informing him that, yielding to the desire of his government, I was about to that effect to send to France a mission with the powers necessary. In consequence, on the 1st May last, the citizens Larose, senator, and Rouanez, notary of the government, embarked on board the commercial brig the Julius Thales, furnished with my letter of credence, dated the 28th April, 1824, and with my instructions of the same date, which could leave no doubt upon the clauses of the treaty which they were charged to conclude, and upon the indispensable formality of the recognition, by a royal or donnance, of our absolute independence of all foreign domination of the authority of a lord paramount, and even of the protectorate of any power whatever; in a word, of the inde pendence which we have enjoyed for twenty years.

I did not hesitate to consider it my duty to congratulate myself upon having sent off the citizens Larose and Rouanez, since they had not then reached their destination, upon receiving successively, by different vessels, a dozen letters, in which Messrs. Esmangart and Laujon expressed their impa tience on account of the delay of the person who was to be the bearer of my propositions. But by an inconceivable fatality, which always turns aside the French administration from

the approximation which it ever appears so desirous to effect -but by a system of tergiversation which prevents it, at the moment of concluding, admitting the proposition already admitted, or which leads it to re-produce the pretensions which it had abandoned, to create for itself an opportunity of alleging the insufficiency of the powers of my agents, the mission of the citizens Larose and Rouanez remained, like the preceding ones, without result. They therefore found themselves under the necessity of demanding their passports to return to the republic, where they arrived on the 4th inst.

Their conduct answered my expectation. It will also entitle them, I have no doubt, to the national approbation. The account which they rendered to me will be annexed to the official papers which I have mentioned.

I have just made known the facts, and I surrender them to the tribunal of public opinion. Hayti will have it in her power to judge whether her chief magistrate has justified the confidence placed in him, and the world, on which side was the good faith. I shall confine myself to declare, that the Haytians will never deviate from their glorious resolution, but will wait with firmness for the issue of events. And, if ever they should find themselves called upon to repel an unjust aggression, the universe will again witness their enthusiasm and energy in the defence of the national independence.

National Palace of Port-au-Prince, October 18, 1824,

the 21st year of the independence of Hayti.

BOYER.

The American Monitor.

We said in the first No. of the American Monitor

"As to England, her policy can no longer be doubtful. These are not times when a minister, overruled by somewhat superstitious respect for those rights claimed by Spain over America, requested of the House of Commons, permission to prohibit English trade from favouring, (with those means at its disposal) the emancipation of the new South American states. At present, a more enlightened, free, and liberal policy, founded on a deep knowledge of public interest, has replaced those frigid calculations and false combinations of a narrow-minded policy, which, for too long a period, sacrificed the general interests of England to private interests. Besides, the situation of Great Britain with regard to the continent of Europe, is sufficient to cement her alliance with America. Formidable as she is on that element, where she can, with impunity, be great and free, all the European cabinets have not as yet. been able to entice her into their own retrogressive course of proceedings. But, indeed, England cannot exist without; allies, and since the policy of the continental monarchies becomes daily more diametrically opposite to the spirit, and perhaps to the very existence of the British constitution, it is doubly incumbent on her to form a system of alliance with the New World, towards which she is irresistibly attracted by her geographical situation, the nature of her political institutions, and the interests of her commerce."*

These are the terms in which, four months ago, we predicted the public and solemn abjuration which

* American Monitor, No 1, Page 32.

the recognition of the states of South America by Great Britain has just given, in the face of the world, to the detestable principles of the Holy Alliance. The British cabinet which was led by the obscure policy of the minister lately at the head of affairs, to adopt, for a moment, the line of conduct traced out by the European powers, has just quitted it with honor, and, placing itself at the head of progressive civilization, it presents a threatening front to those who endeavour to throw back mankind in the career of improvement.

The minister who assumed the reins of govern ment, after the tragical death of Lord Castlereagh, and who had not, like him, been seated at the banquets of kings, has just destroyed the acts of the Congress by a single effort, and restored the politics of England to their national character. Mr. Canning has consulted the interests of his country: he has rejected principles which tarnish the crown of its kings, and vitiate, in their sources, the power and the institutions which have alone constituted its strength and contributed to its greatness.

This minister resigns to the diplomatists of Vienna, Aix-la-Chapelle, Carlsbad, Laybach and Verona, the advantages of the old prohibitive system, with all its train of prejudices contemned by reason and worn out by time; he increases the wealth of his country by means of all the resources which their blindness disdains, and aggrandizes its power with all the strength which their imbecile vanity relinquishes; in short, by acknowledging the independence of the Spanish colonies, in opposition to the pretensions and clamours which have been vainly opposed to its progress, the

British government has proved to the world that it is not disposed to sacrifice the interests of the country to theories, nor to isolate itself from the people by yielding to the influence of terrors which affect neither the existence nor the prosperity of the nation.

It cannot, however, be denied, that an event of such magnitude is calculated to produce a powerful effect in Europe, and to change the existing relations between England and the continental powers. Already the organs of the Holy Alliance threaten England with terrible reprisals on the approaching rebellion in Ireland, and in that of the Indies, which they represent as ready to rise against her authority; already the trumpet of the French ministry sounds the alarm of war. But the cabinet of St. James's, having discovered the secret of its security in the accordance of its politics with the interests of all classes of the people, and with the open and unanimous expression of public opinion, sets at defiance the storms that may be rising against it, proves that its resolution is irrevocable, that it is ready to meet all consequences, and that nothing can divert it from the line of policy which it has adopted.

In these momentous circumstances, conjecture is busy in guessing at the result of a general rupture. In our opinion, this great conflict, should it take place, must necessarily produce a crisis more important and more decisive than any that ever affected human society.

The religious reformation which changed the face of Europe, is nothing compared to the political reformation which embraces the two worlds. This mighty change, hitherto arrested in its progress by an acci