service of the summons.

If there be no answer, the complaint shall be treated as if denied. Subpoenas may be served in any part of the United States, and the persons served may be compelled to appear, with or without papers, and testify. Either party may require a special finding as to any material fact. Judgment shall be entered as soon as practicable, and in not exceeding ten days after the facts are found, and shall determine which, if either, of the parties has been, under the Constitution and laws, chosen President or Vice-President, as the case may be.

SEC. 13. That either party may, within ten days after written notice of the judgment, appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States; and until decision upon the appeal, if an appeal be taken, the judgment shall not be enforced.

SEC. 14. That the circuit court shall be in session on the return day of the summons, and, if necessary to that effect, shall be specially convened and a jury summoned for such return day; and if at the time of the appeal the Supreme Court shall not be in session, it shall be immediately convened by the Chief-Justice, or, if the office be vacant or the incumbent absent from the seat of Government, by the senior justice in office and present. The proceedings in a case brought under this act shall have precedence over all other business in either court, and in all respects, other than is herein provided, shall conform to proceedings in other civil causes.

SEC. 15. That any person determined by said judgment to have been elected may at once, if the time fixed by law has arrived, or as soon as such time is reached, on the taking of the proper oath, enter upon the duties of the office to which he has been chosen, and the judgment may be enforced by an appropriate writ addressed to any marshal of the United States.

SEC. 16. That if on the return day of the summons the circuit judge for the district in which the action is brought be incapacitated by any reason from presiding at the trial, or if the office be vacant, the judge of the supreme court in whose circuit the district is situated shall hold the court, and in case of vacancy or incapacity, the senior district judge on the circuit shall preside.

Mr. BROWNE moved to strike out of the substitute all after the eighth section; which was agreed to.

The substitute of the Committee as amended was then disagreed to-yeas 93, nays 100:

YEAS-Messrs. Aiken, Armfield, Atherton, Atkins, Beach, Belmont, Berry, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bland, Bliss, Blount, Bragg, Browne, Buchanan, Buckner, Calkins, Carlisle, Clardy, J. B. Clark, jr., J. C. Clements, Cobb, Cook, Cravens, Culberson, Curtin, L. H. Davis, Deuster, Dibrell, Dowd, Dunn, Dunnell, Ermentrout, Flower, Forney, FULKERSON, Garrison, Geddes, Gunter, Hardenbergh, Hardy, H. S. Harris, Hatch, Herbert, A. S. Hewitt, G. W. Hewitt, Hoblitzell, Hoge, Holman, Hooker, House, J. K. Jones, King, Latham, Leedom, Manning, E. L. Martin, Matson, McMillin, Money, Morrison, Morse, Moulton, Muldrow, MURCH, Mutchler, Oates, Orth, PAUL, Phelps, Phister, Reagan, W. E. Robinson, Ross, Scales, Simonton, J. W. Singleton, D. C. Smith, J. H. Smith, Sparks, Speer, Talbott, P. B. Thompson, jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, H. G. Turner, O. Turner, Vance, R. Warner, Wellborn, T. Williams, Wilson, M. R. Wise-93.

NAYS-Messrs. W. Aldrich, Barr, Bingham, Bisbee, Bowman, J. H. Brewer, Briggs, J. C. Burrows, Butterworth, Camp, Campbell, Candler, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chace, Crapo, Cullen, Cutts, Darrall, G. R. Davis, Dawes, Deering, De Motte, Dingley, Dwight, Errett, S. S. Farwell, George, Godshalk, Guenther, Hall, J. Hammond, Harmer, I. S. HASELTINE, Haskell, Henderson, Hepburn, J. Hill, Hiscock, Horr, Hubbell, Hubbs, Humphrey, Jacobs, Jadwin, G. W. JONES, P. Jones, Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Ketcham, Lewis, Lord, Mackey, McClure, McCoid, McKinley, Moore, Morey, Neal, Norcross, Page, Payson, Peelle, Peirce, Pettibone, Pound, Prescott, Ranney, Reed, W. W. Rice, Rich, D. P. Richardson, Ritchie, J. S. Robinson, T. Ryan, Shallenberger, Shultz, Skinner, A. H. Smith, Spaulding, Spooner, E. F. Stone, Strait, W. G. Thompson, A. Townsend, Tyler, T. Updegraff, Van Aernam, Van Voorhis, Wadsworth, Wait, Walker, Webber, West, J. D. White, C. G. Williams, Willits, T. L. Young-100.

The question being on ordering the Senate bill to a third reading

Mr. A. S. HEWITT moved to recommit the bill; which was agreed to.

government, and we present the record of the administration of the State's affairs while under the control of the Democratic Party as an earnest of the fidelity of the party to the principles of economy and good government.

3. That we invite immigration and capital to our State, and pledge full and perfect protection to all such as may come among us.

4. That public education should be fostered and encouraged by the State as far as the means of the State will allow, having at the same time due regard to the preservation of the public credit.

5. That we recognize the necessity of protecting and preserving the purity of the ballot-box as the safeguard of free institutions, and condemn any attempt to interfere with the free and full exercise of the elective franchise.

ARKANSAS.

Democratic, June 16, 1882.

2. That it is the duty of the next legislature to submit an amendment to the constitution of the State of Arkansas which will forever prohibit the legislature from the payment, compromising, funding, or otherwise recognizing the fraudulent railroad aid, levee or Holford bonds of the State of Arkansas, or claims or pretended claims upon which they are based.

3. That we demand that the State legislature shall, at the earliest practicable period, provide for funding and paying interest upon the just debt of the State, and providing a sinkingfund to ultimately extinguish it.

4. That we demand strict accountability of all State officers, and that all demands due the State from every officer, person, or body corporate, be speedily enforced.

5. That we are in favor of the education of the masses by means of public schools, free to all.

6. That we favor immigration, and recommend to the legislature to adopt all practical means to bring labor and capital to the State.

Greenback, June 20, 1882.

9. We are uncompromisingly in favor of the proposed amendment No. I (known as the Fishback amendment) to our State constitution, and believe that the best way to secure its adoption and to keep the ballots of the people from the hands of a "returning board," who are in the interest of the bond ring, would be to call a constitutional convention.

10. That we favor free public schools, and believe that the school fund should be kept sacred, and not applied for the private purposes of State legislators, and all officials who have control of school land and school moneys should be held to make a true account of the same.

II. That we favor the holding of the election for State and county officers at the same time of the congressional election, so that a fair vote and an honest vote may be had, and the ballots of the people be kept from the hands of "ticket clippers" and "ballot-box stuffers."

12. We favor a rigid prosecution of all defaulters, and are unqualifiedly opposed to our State legislature passing bills for the relief of

securities on official bonds, thereby licensing defalcation and crime.

13. We are in favor of immigration, and deprecate the fact that the Bourbon element has so governed our State as to exclude the industrial classes.

14. We are in favor of regulating by legislation the freight and passenger tariffs on railroads, and forcing these monopolies to recognize the fact that the people have some rights which should be respected.

ILLINOIS.

Republican, June 28, 1882. Resolved, That the policy of the Republican party of the Nation and State is unchanged, and to that policy the Republicans of the State of Illinois commit themselves. Fair elections and honest counts North and South; the honest treatment of the public debt and the public creditors; a reduction of taxation; the encouragment, fostering, and protecting of all American industries; and a hearty approval of the Tariff Commission, which shall regard all interests and conserve them all; such a practical reform of the civil service as shall relieve the Executive from the pressure of hordes of office-seekers as shall, by providing some intelligent method for appointments to office, enable our representatives in this branch of the National Congress to turn their attention to matters of National concern; such a system of internal improvement by great waterways, either natural or artificial, as will afford cheap and easy outlets to the sea of the enormous products of the Great West; the encouragement of cordial relations between all sections of the country

these are among the great National doctrines of the party in its past, and to these it is committed still.

3. That with all liberty-loving men and women of the world, we deplore the death of our late President, JAMES A. GARFIELD, and with all patriots we renew our devotion to the principles of liberty which the foul hand of assassination can never reach, and we extend to President ARTHUR our hearty support in all efforts to conduct the affairs of state in the interest of good government.

5. That the Republican party, now as in the past, is in favor of such just laws as shall protect the agriculturist, the manufacturer, and the workingman, from the oppression of monopolists.

6. That we extend our hearty sympathy to the oppressed of all nations in all honest efforts to establish liberty and a republican form of government, and that our especial sympathy is extended to all lawful efforts now being made to establish republicanism in Ireland.

MAINE.

Republican, June 13, 1882.

1. That the right of every qualified voter to cast his ballot and have it honestly counted is a fundamental principle of Republican government which must be maintained by law impartially enforced. The majority thus determined must rule, and the minority must submit.

2. Free schools must be maintained and universal education secured as the basis of national security and prosperity.

3. American industries and labor should be protected against the unjust competition of the product of cheap foreign labor by protective tariff.

4. American shipping and ship-building should be encouraged by the modification of our navigation laws so as to discriminate in favor of, and not against, our shipping interests, and by such other assistance as the government may properly render a great national interest. We protest against the persistent efforts of the friends of free trade, or misnamed "revenue reform," to grant American registry to foreign-built ships, as certain to destroy our ship-building industry.

5. The only full legal tender money authorized by the constitution to be coined or issued in time of peace is gold and silver. The dollar of the one should be coined so as to possess the same intrinsic value as the dollar of the other, and all paper currency should be redeemable in the one or the other. We deprecate the efforts made to overthrow the present banking system of the nation, securing as it does to the people a currency convenient, uniform, elastic in volume, of equal value in all the States, and absolutely safe from loss in the hands of the holder.

6. The rapid payment of our war debt while debts of other nations are increasing affords conclusive proof of the wisdom of our financial measures, and calls for a continuance of the same policy until every dollar of this debt shall be paid.

7. We are unalterably opposed to the abolition or reduction of the internal revenue tax on liquors, and demand that all possible reduction of taxation shall be made on necessaries and not upon luxuries.

8. While we insist upon the strictest economy in public expenditures, we favor liberal pensions and bounties to the Union soldiers and sailors of the late war, their widows and orphan children, in token of our recognition of the priceless services rendered.

9. That we refer with confidence and pride to the general record of the Republican party in support of the policy of prohibiting the traffic in intoxicating liquors; the wisdom and efficiency of which legislation in promoting the moral and material interests of Maine have been demonstrated through the practical annihilation of that traffic in a large portion of the State; and we favor such legislation and such enforcement of law as will secure to every portion of our territory freedom from that traffic. We further recommend the submission to the people of a constitutional prohibitory amendment.

10. As an independent, non-partisan judiciary is the palladium of justice and liberty, we emphatically condemn the attempt of Governor PLAISTED to supersede and thus punish Associate Justice LIBBEY for rendering such opinions in the counting out proceedings of 1878-80, as commended themselves to his judgment and conscience, although not in accord with the policy of the party with which he was then, and is now, connected. We heartily approve the

course of the Executive Council in refusing to allow so able, so conscientious, and so acceptable a judge to be set aside for partisan personal reasons, which should have no place in judicial appointments, and which would tend to destroy the independence of the judiciary.

II. That the thanks of the people of Maine are due to the Republican majority in Congress for their firm stand against the tissue ballot frauds which have heretofore made a solid South; for their united opposition to polygamy; for their resistance to the persistent efforts made to abolish or reduce the tax on whisky; for taking measures to distribute the balance of the Geneva award to actual losers; and for measures looking to a reduction of taxation and a revision of the tariff.

12. In the untimely death of our late beloved President, JAMES A. GARFIELD, we recognize a great national calamity, and we rejoice that his administration, during its brief existence, gave assurance of its success. We tender to President CHESTER A. ARTHUR our assurance of confidence in his administration, and our approval of the moderate and patriotic course pursued by him amid the embarrassing circumstances inevitably attending such a national crisis.

Democratic, June 27, 1882.

5. Commerce is only possible between enlightened nations on the basis of mutual advantages and just equivalent, and a flourishing foreign commerce is the only permanent stimulus and support of shipping and shipbuilding. Maine, by its frontier position and its extended and well harbored seaboard, admirably fitted to embark profitably in navigation and foreign commerce, and by its forests and the skill and enterprise of its people to build the ships for carrying it on, has been sacrificed to a policy that has destroyed commerce by shutting our markets against return freights, and made international carrying trade impossible in competition with the ships and products of lower-taxed countries.

6. Gold and silver coin is the medium inwhich the notes, bonds and other obligations of the United States are in good faith payable, unless another mode of payment is stipulated for in the contracts; but, inasmuch as commercial usage among all civilized people has sanctioned the employment of non-interest-bearing demand notes as a cheap and convenient substitute for coin in domestic exchanges, Congress has the power, and is bound to perform the duty, of seeing that there is established and maintained at all times a currency of general credit, always convertible into and in value equal to specie, adapted to the wants of commerce and the business of the people, and suited to the existing circumstances of the country.

7. Congress, exercising an undeniable constitutional power, necessary and salutary, over that which constitutes the actual money of the country, whether coin or the representative of coin, and bound to protect the community against the evils of a debased coin, and against the greater evil of an excessive issue of paper, more than twenty years ago, did establish and has since maintained, in the issue of the United States de

mand notes, such a currency. Its credit of the Government, measured by the premiums upon the bonds, is superior to the credit of any corporation, commercial or political, equivalent in value to specie, and punctually convertible into it, and admirably adapted to the wants of commerce, the business of the people, and the circumstances of the country. To withdraw this currency for the sake of substituting the bullion of banking corporations, none of them liable for the obligations of others, in the obvious presence of the fact that all of the national debt the people voluntarily circulate in the form of demand notes, draws no interest and is virtually extinguished, is to change a superior for an inferior currency, to surrender a power conceded by our greatest statesmen to have been conferred on Congress by the Constitution, and to hesitate and to recede at the dictation of interested capitalists in consummating the sovereignty of the legislature over all that constituted the actual money of the country, a consummation made possible and easy by our national debt, and by the successful circulation for twenty years, with constantly-increasing public favor, of a circulating medium, in form and convenience the best known.

Greenback (Straight), May 30, 1882.

In order to perpetuate free government and preserve to the people the fruit of their labor and talents, and to preserve the money power through the national banking system, the issuing of bonds and the taking of the public lands from the people, from reducing labor to poverty and want, we demand:

1. That the government buy bullion with greenbacks, so long as $1 in greenbacks will buy 4121⁄2 grains of silver coin, the same to issue silver certificates therefor and pay off the bonds as rapidly as possible.

2. That we demand the abolition of all banks of issue.

3. That no more bonds be issued.

4. That all public lands should be held as homesteads for the people, and that it is the duty of the general government to aid and assist the people to settle on them.

5. That all money should be issued by the Federal government, in sufficient quantities to meet the wants of trade, and be a full legal tender for all debts.

6. That the dollar paid the soldier for his services in defense of the country during the late rebellion should be made equal to that paid by the bondholder.

7. That the relic of barbarism, imprisonment for debt, should be abolished.

8. That all corporations and monopolies which have corrupted the public service by combination and extortion, have established absolute dominion over money, over transportation, and over land and labor, should be controlled by law.

9. That the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors, except in such quantities as may be demanded by science and the mechanical arts, should be prohibited.

10. Having an abiding faith in our principles,

and regarding the old parties as our common political foes, we declare our unalterable determination to oppose all efforts to secure fusion, open or covert, with either.

11. That we approve the expediency and indorse the acts of the national committee at St. Louis, May 23, and we hereby pledge ourselves with it in support of a call for a national convention.*

Greenback Fusion, June 1, 1882.

Whereas, Our Government is of the people, by the people, and for the people, all of whom are interested in enterprise and labor; and.

Whereas, This Government has been perverted into a government of the money power, by the money power, and for the money power, repudiating contracts and manipulating the currency to enrich five per cent. of the people by robbing the ninety-five per cent; therefore

Resolved, That the interests of enterprise and labor call for a circulating medium consisting of gold and silver and paper, all full legal tender controlled by government, sufficient in amount to enable men to do business more upon a cash basis, and which volume shall be increased in proportion to the increase of business and population.

2. That the truth of the Greenback creed has been vindicated by the partial adoption of greenand remonetization of silver in 1878; (thus back measures, viz: the stoppage of contraction giving comparatively a larger volume of circulating medium and bringing comparative prosperity;) measures which, had they been adopted

in

season, would have averted six years of unexampled distress; and the opposition to impediment to the return of full prosperity. which by the money power is now the greatest

3. That the national debt is national slavery, and therefore we favor the immediate ap

Following is a "brief summary' of principles adopted at St. Louis, May 23:

We are opposed to the monopoly of money through the national-banking system, and favor the government issuing all currency, making it a full legal tender and keeping its volume uniform with the requirements of increasing business and population.

We are opposed to the present system of allowing railroad and telegraph monopolies to determine the rates for transporting persons or property over railroads, or for the use of telegraphs, and hold that all corporations created by law should be governed by law in the interest of the people.

We are opposed to the monopoly of land, and demand that all public lands, including those forfeited by noncompliance with law, shall be held for actual settlers.

We favor a revision of the tariff laws in the interest of American labor, and not in the interest of rich corporations and monopolies.

We hold that the representatives of labor have the right to combine to enforce all of their constitutional rights, and that they should be protected by law in the

exercise of that right.

We are opposed to all monopolies, and are in favor of equal rights, equal burdens, equal taxation and equal benefits for all, with special privileges for none; and we hold that that is the best government "wherein an injury to one is the concern of all."

We favor the payment of the national debt, and oppose its being refunded in any form. And we invite all members of land leagues, farmers' alliances, trades unions, anti-monopoly leagues, producers' organizations, Knights of Labor, and all other industrial organizations and good citizens, who believe in the carrying them to a successful issue at the ballot-box. foregoing statement of principles, to unite with us in

propriation of the surplus coin now in the Treasury, to the reduction of the non-taxable bonded debt; and to the end that this debt may be speedily extinguished, we favor the full and unrestricted coinage of gold and silver.

4. That we believe the national banking system is one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power and above the laws and will of the people. We therefore hold:

5. That the national bank currency should give place to the greenback currency, acknowledged to be " in form, convenience and security, the best circulating medium ever known," and the "profit of which would be the profit of the nation."

6. That we insert on our banner the following just and equal principles of our party, and under it we will fight on and fight ever until victory shall reward our exertions; inviting all who believe with us to fight with us, in our ranks or as allies.

Equal right; equal burdens; equal protection; equal benefits; special privileges to none.

No monopolies which, through unequal laws, enrich the few at the expense of the many.

No banks of issue, State or national, with their blighting power.

A safe and sound currency, for the people and by the people.

Preservation of the public credit against repudiation in all its forms.

Public land the common inheritance of the whole people, reserved for actual settlers.

Reform in the civil service; that the public service be based upon capacity and integrity, and the people emancipated from "bossism" and "ring rule"-a reform that must begin with the people in caucus and convention.

Revenue reform; immediate reform in the tariff system to relieve our ship building interest and the laboring classes generally from the unjust burdens of taxation imposed for the protection of monopolies.

Election by the people free from bluff or bribery; a free ballot and a fair count.

The management of State institutions taken

out of politics wholly.

No imprisonment for debt.

which the country is now taxed has been created, protected and nourished by Republican legislation, it is the duty of every citizen in favor of anti-monopoly, to oppose the so-called Republican party.

8. That the law should be enacted protecting the right of every voter, so far that his ballot should only be known to himself, and the ballot-box be free and unwatched.

9. That we are in favor of the free education of the human being, and during the terms of school no child under fourteen years of age shall be employed in any factory or place of labor.

10. That Governor Plaisted has been true to the Greenback principles, true to the interests of the people, and, in the face of the most violent partisan opposition, has maintained the constitution and laws and vindicated the prerogative of his office; therefore we declare our unqualified admiration of his administration, and pledge our best efforts to secure his election as his own successor in the office of Governor of Maine.

MISSOURI.

Greenback, May 31, 1882.

Resolved, That we are against the monopoly of money by the national banking system, and are in favor of the Government issuing all currency and making it full legal tender.

2. That we are against the monopoly of transportation and telegraph, and declare that corporations, the creatures of the State, shall be governed by the State in the interests of the people.

3. That we are against the monopoly of land, and demand the preservation of all public lands, including the vast amount now forfeited by the great corporations, for actual settlers.

4. We are opposed to all monopolies and in favor of equal rights, equal burdens, equal benefits, and special privileges to none.

5. We demand the repeal of all laws imposing restrictions upon the tobacco-growers in the sale of such products.

6. As a necessary step in the direction of genuine civil service reform, we demand that all civil officers, both State and Federal, be made elective by the direct vote of the people.

7. We demand the immediate execution of the laws for the pensioning of Union soldiers.

8. That associated labor shall have all the

the trustee process.

Strict enforcement of the constitution and laws of the State.

Independence of the three co-ordinate branches of the government-legislative, executive and judicial and no usurpation by either of the powers and duties of the others.

A non-partisan judiciary, incorruptible and uninfluenced by party exigencies.

The untrammeled right of the executive to exercise his own judgment in making nominations for public offices, and no right on the part of the executive councillors to resort to obstructive and partisan opposition to coerce him to adopt their choice instead of his own.

7. That whereas every monopoly under

capital.

9. The enactment of laws giving mechanics and laborers a first lien on their work for their full wages.

10. To secure for both sexes equal pay for equal work.

II. To uphold and enlarge the Bureau of Labor Statistics of our State, and the establishment of one for the United States, the officers of such bureaus to be taken from the labor organization.

12. That we are in favor of the most advanced system of free public schools.

13. The system of gambling known as option contracts deserves the unqualified condemnation of every honest, law-abiding citizen, and we