That Yucatan was in a state of war with Mexico, he did not say; she perhaps held a neutral character. She had not been always consistent in her course, having at one time allied herself to Santa Anna. She is now in a state of rebellion against Mexico. On the subject of the declaration of Mr. Monroe he made some remarks, to show that the views of Mr. Polk, at the period when the Panama mission was under consideration, were not similar to what they are now represented by his friends to be. He gave a brief history of the nominations of ministers to Panama, | and the debate to which they gave rise. The object of that Congress was not to call in bayonets and swords and military array, but to wield only the moral power of united opinion. Yet it was contended that this Congress was a fearful source of danger to our country; that we ought to conform to the recommendation of the Father of his Country to avoid entangling alliances; and the resolutions submitted in the House apprehended a breach of our neutral engagements with Spain and other countries, and might involve us in the danger of war. He quoted from the speech of Mr. Polk on that occasion, to show that he was then opposed to making common cause with the republics of the South; and that self-preservation was the first law of nature. Such was the language of the President when he opposed the Panama mission. He expressed doubts as to the effect of this measure on the treaty now pending with Mexico.* Some who were opposed to the treaty would rather rejoice at such a result as its violation would produce. An expedition to Yucatan, undertaken under an invitation from her, in which she looks to annexation with the United States as a remuneration, would be as likely to lead to war as was the annexation of Texas. We might thus, in addition to a war with England and Spain, have a renewed war with Mexico on our hands. He reminded the Senate, that when the treaty with Mexico was received at Washington, the Yucatan commissioner presented a protest against any treaty which did not include a protection for Yucatan. It is evident, therefore, that Yucatan feels a great interest in the defeat of the treaty with Mexico, and will not hesitate to adopt a course which might lead to its defeat. He was disposed to do a great deal for humanity; but he could not bring himself to sanction a measure of such doubtful and dangerous import as this was now urged on the Senate. SATURDAY, May 13. Occupation of Yucatan. On motion of Mr. HANNEGAN, the Senate proceeded to the consideration of the special [MAY, 1848. order, being the bill to enable the President of the United States to take temporary military occupation of Yucatan; when Mr. MILLER rose and said, that if this bill had been placed simply on the ground of humanity, it would have met with his entire approbation. But, in the progress of the discussion, the measure had been entirely stripped of humanity, and advocated as a matter of cold, calculating policy. It was a strange proposition to require of us aid to resist an overwhelming foe, and then that we should receive pay for the same. He gave a brief historical view of the circumstances which had preceded this application, and then reviewed the correspondence which had taken place between the Secretary of State and the Yucatan commissioner. He dwelt on the fact that at the time of this application, Yucatan was a part of the territory of Mexico. The commissioner presents a deplorable picture of the condition of Yucatan-representing the white race as in danger of extermination by the Indians. But no response being given to the cry of distress, he shows a pretty accurate knowledge, if not of human nature generally, of the human nature of our country, by then calling the attention of our Government to the declaration of Mr. Monroe, and referring to our course in reference to the Greeks, &c., and by throwing out a menace of appealing to England or other European powers, in case we do not act. It was like the case of a man who, finding his house on fire, offers his neighbor a deed of the building if he will put out the fire; but, seeing that his neighbor makes no movement to save the property, he tells him, Well, if you don't take the offer, there is a man over the way who will do it, and I will go to him. He adverted to the position taken by the chairman of Foreign Relations, that it was necessary to act to keep England out of Yucatan; so that the real object was, not to drive out the Indians, but to drive out the English. The Eagle and the Lion were to be watching to see which shall seize the victim. He put the case of the people of South Carolina, or Alabama, making an application to Great Britain. What would be thought if Great Britain were to indicate a disposition to take possession of the complaining State, without the sanction of the General Government? Would it not be regarded as an act of war? If Yucatan is not independent of Mexico, we cannot interfere without danger of war. He referred to the pending treaty, the ratification of which may be defeated by any unwise and overhasty movement on our part. Mr. Sierra, the Yucatan commissioner, had entered a protest against the treaty, but withheld his threat of calling on other powers until a subsequent period. He took exception to the style assumed by Mr. would have been suitable to a sovereign prince Sierra in his letter of protest-a style which * The treaty of peace with Mexico had been actually concluded at the time this debate on Yucatan was going on, and was only waiting its final form in the exchange of rati-making on some other sovereign a demand fications, which took place at the city of Queretaro, a few sanctioned by the laws of nations. days thereafter, to wit, on the 80th day of May, 1848. It had been rumored that the President him MONDAY, May 15. [30TH CONG. self was not at heart in favor of the pending | next Administration, because, in the present treaty with Mexico, and since this subject had state of Europe, it is not likely that Spain will been before the Senate, the probability of the long hold ou rumor had received some strength. He adverted to the causes of the war with Mexicoto the annexation of Texas and the boundary question to the manner in which it had been carried on, and to the anxious desire for its speedy termination which at this moment pervades the whole country. It was emphatically the duty of every man who held the peace of the country in his hands, to be particularly cautious not to do any thing which would tend to the disappointment of those hopes and desires. Message from the President-Yucatan. A Message was received from the President of the United States, transmitting, in compliance with a resolution of the 13th instant, calling for copies of any orders to officers of our naval squadron in relation to giving aid to Yucatan, a communication from the Navy Department, containing copies of orders issued on the 8th and 12th May to Commodore Perry, If this measure were only urged in a spirit of charity, for the sole purpose of saving the [The communication of the 8th instant directs white citizens of Yucatan from extermination the Commodore to allow powder to be landed by the Indians, we certainly should have no at Sisal, provided the Commodore has reason right to be displeased because we have been to think that it will not be used against us. anticipated either by Spain or England. The That of the 12th instant compliments Comreply of Spain, in which she declares that she modore Perry on his efforts, with his limited will not take advantage of the present dis-means, to give aid; and satisfaction that he tressed condition of Yucatan to seize on her territory, he lauded as worthy of old Spain in her best days. Such an answer ought to have been ours. France had also declined in a similar manner. And as to the interference of England, he had seen no proofs of it. It did not yet appear that she had been even asked. The possession of English arms he did not regard as ground of suspicion against the English Government. England could not intefere without bringing on her war with Mexico and war with ourselves, who are now at war with Mexico. A great deal of political capital has been made out of this cry about English interference in Texas and in California, but he has yet to discover the first particle of evidence on which this cry could be justified. He proceeded to remark on the declaration of Mr. Monroe, which was issued in opposition to the encroaching spirit of the Holy Alliance. He denied that it could be applied here without a complete perversion of the principle. We propose to do precisely what we say England and France and Spain shall not do. We desire to take possession of another State, and defend the act by appealing to the declaration of Mr. Monroe, which was issued to prevent one nation from interfering with the affairs of another. If we say to another, You shall not take Yucatan, shall we take Yucatan ourselves? Are we about to drive others away from this afflicted territory, in order that we may have all the plunder to ourselves? If Great Britain has determined to take possession of Yucatan or any portion of it, to the detriment of our national safety, it becomes a great question between us and Great Britain. If so, we ought at once to speak out in plain language, and tell her we will oppose her, instead of trying to get ahead of the Lion, in order to be beforehand in seizing the prey. The first is the manly course. The possession of Cuba would in all probability come up under the should have visited the coast; directs the entire force of the marines at Alvarado to be sent to Laguna, with instructions to repel the Indians if they approach that point, and tells him that his force will not justify a march into the interior, and goes on to say, that "while the United States are engaged in a war with Mexico, the actual presence, without our consent, of the armed force of a neutral power, within the territory of our enemy, co-operating with any portion of the Mexican people in military operations, cannot be permitted. Such a state of things, it is hoped, will not occur. If you should have reason to believe that it will, you will communicate it without further delay, that the President may take such measures as his constitutional duty will require at his hands."] The bill to enable the President of the United States to take temporary military occupation of Yucatan was taken up. Mr. CALHOUN rose, and referred to the ground on which the Message of the President of the United States had placed the proposition now before the Senate, to prevent Yucatan from becoming a colony of a foreign power, and to prevent also the devastation of the country and the destruction of the white inhabitants. He had placed our proposed interference on the ground of Mr. Monroe's declaration. Against all these points, against the message and report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, he had, after deep reflection, made up his mind to record his vote. He went on to show that the declaration of Mr. Monroe was published in opposition to the designs of the Allied powers, called the Holy Alliance; and contended that the case of Yucatan could not be brought within the range of that declaration. He stated what was the conduct of the Holy Alliance, and what were their designs, and the alarm taken by England at the innovating principles laid down by them. He adverted to the information given by Mr. 1ST SESS.] Occupation of Yucatan. [MAY, 1848. Rush, and the manner in which the Cabinet | tan, who can fix the cost or the limitation of acted on it. The schemes and the existence of the Holy Alliance had entirely disappeared; and, if a final blow had been necessary, it was given by the recent revolutions in Europe. A more especial declaration with regard to Spain was then agreed on, and Yucatan cannot be comprehended in it. It had been charged that England would interfere to save the people of Yucatan; but he had seen no evidence of any thing of the kind. He had seen no proof that England had furnished arms to Yucatan; none that she intended to make a settlement in Yucatan. England should come in, she comes without any hostile intentions against Yucatan, and we should have no right to take offence at her conduct. If He glanced at the causes which led to this declaration of Mr. Monroe; the principal of which was, the attempt of Russia to extend her settlements on the north-west coast of America, in which she was opposed by England and the United States. He gave his own version of the history of the construction of this declaration, varying in some respects from that which was given by the Senator from Indiana. The effect of this declaration was, to impose a check on the colonization schemes of England, which so offended her as to prevent her from going heartily with the United States against the claims of Russia. He denied that there was any such principle in the declaration of Mr. Monroe, as is assumed by the Message of the President. If his views were to be received as the true construction, and they were to be carried out, we should be kept in a constant state of war. There are cases in which he would be willing to interfere. He instanced the case of Cuba. So long as that island remained in the hands of a peaceful nation like Spain, we ought to be content. But he would never consent to let Cuba go into the hands of any other European power, because the transfer would be prejudicial to our interests. In the case of Texas, he favored annexation, because he saw clearly, in his opinion, that there might be an interference on the part of England, which would involve us in a triple war-with England, with Texas, and Mexico. He had been asked if he would resist England in case she should attempt to relieve Yucatan, and should take possession. He was prepared to answer that he would not, and this for irresistible reasons. Yucatan was, for the greater part, worthless. The possession of her would not strengthen the facilities of England to injure us. Yucatan has no ports which could be made serviceable to her. He took a glance at the outward and inward passages into the Gulf of Mexico, to show that England, in consequence of her great naval power, had entire command of the Caribbean Sea, and could, in time of war, close the gulf against us. the war? We might defeat the Indians, but WEDNESDAY, May 17. Occupation of Yucatan. The Senate proceeded to consider the bill to enable the President of the United States to take temporary military occupation of Yucatan. The question being on the amendment proposed by Mr. Dıx— Mr. Dix rose to explain his amendment. He stated the position of Yucatan at this moment, reduced by her helplessness to offer the surrender of her sovereignty to any nation which will aid in her rescue from the hostility of the Indians which threaten the extermination of the white inhabitants. The President had, as he was bound to do, communicated to the Senate the proposition of Yucatan to our Government. The Committee on Military Affairs had reported a bill. This being a question relative to the internal difficulties in which Yucatan is involved, becomes one of some delicacy and complexity. As we lay down the rule that interference with the domestic concerns of other nations cannot be permitted by foreign Governments, it is our duty to take care that we ourselves do not violate this rule. But there were, in the case of Yucatan, circumstances which seemed to authorize and justify some interference on our part. He proceeded to give a succinct history of the changes in Yucatan, which had resulted in her obtaining, not an entire, but a qualified independence of Mexico. He viewed her as occupying a neutral position in relation to the United States. By the treaty with Mexico, we are restrained from any hostile act towards any part of the territory of Mexico. He did not see that we could take military occupation of Yucatan, under a rigid construction of the treaty with Mexico, without subjecting ourselves to the imputation of bad faith. He expressed a hope that the chairman of Foreign Relations would not adhere to the first section of the bill. As to the other sections of the bill, they had his entire acquiescence. The outrages which characterized the war in Yucatan shocked humanity. He pointed out the difference between his amendment and the original section. The latter supersedes the Government of Yucatan, while the former contemplates co-operation with that Government. He thought that we might properly transfer some of our troops from In the event of our interference with Yuca- | Mexico, for the purpose of aiding the Yuca MAY, 1848.] Message from the President-Oregon. [30TH CONG. tanese in their defensive contest against the ❘ In this state of things, he thought it due to the Indians. By his substitute, he defined the Senate to state that he should no longer feel conditions on which an army and navy shall be himself called on to press the passage of this employed. They are to be subordinate to the bill. No harm could result from a little delay, Government of Yucatan. and it might be advisable to wait for further advices from Yucatan before any definite action took place. As we are in a state of war with Mexico, no foreign armed vessels would attempt to enter the ports of Yucatan. A force of four hundred marines had been ordered from Alvarado to Laguna, and this would suffice for the present. He would, therefore, move that the bill be informally passed over. He did not think that this interposition would be any violation of international law. We are already in possession of one of her ports-Laguna-and this fact may be cited as a justification of our interference. If we were at peace with Mexico, this would be a very embarrassing case. It must be a very extreme case which would justify us in trampling on the political organizations of nations; but such cases he admitted might occur, in which all respect for these political organizations must yield to the higher duties which bind man to man. To prevent a breach of international obligations, we have no right to interfere in the affairs of European countries. At the same time, he held that we had a right to take such measures as would prevent the interference of European powers in the domestic concerns of this continent. What those measures should be, he would not pretend to say. It was a question of prudence. But he did not place his support of this bill on the ground of the danger of European interference in the affairs of Yucatan. One of the main grounds on which he placed his support of this bill was that of justice. We had taken away the means which would have enabled Mexico to assist Yucatan, and we are bound in strict justice to do what we have prevented Mexico from doing. He also supported the bill on the ground of humanity. We are in the full enjoyment of all the blessings and privileges of law, order, tranquillity, and uninterrupted prosperity. In Central America the picture is reversed; there, law, order, tranquillity, and prosperity, are all rent asunder-towns sacked, houses burned, and every description of ferocious outrage perpetrated. Such was the sketch-an imperfect one he admitted-but he would not attempt to fill it up with the loathsome details which truth would furnish. Mr. CLAYTON said he would ask the Senator from New York, if he was perfectly satisfied that a war was at this moment existing between the whites and the Indians. Mr. Dix said he was perfectly satisfied of the fact. After a few words from Mr. Dix, by way of conclusion Mr. HANNEGAN then rose and said, that since this bill was under discussion yesterday, he had received intelligence that a treaty had been concluded between the Government of Yucatan and the Indians, and that the war had been brought to a close. Similar information had reached the city, in the Baltimore Sun, which had given the heads of the treaty. The terms agreed on appeared to him to be fair, and he trusted that the difficulties had been settled. Mr. Dıx said, that if he had been aware of these facts, he would not have troubled the Senate with the remarks which he had felt himself called on to submit. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, May 29. Message from the President-Affairs of Oregon-Territorial Government recommended to be Established. Mr. SMITH, of Indiana, asked the general consent of the House to offer a resolution making the bill to establish the Territorial Government of Oregon the special order of the day, immediately after the general appropriation disposed of, except on Fridays and Saturdays. bills (now the special order) shall have been Indiana (Mr. SMITH) to modify his amendment, so as to resolve the House into Committee at once, in order that immediate action might be had had a letter from a citizen of Oregon, dated as upon the Oregon territorial bill. Mr. McC. late as the 1st of January last, which represented the country to be in a most distressing situation. The Indians had murdered a number of the whites, and an open and cruel war was and public duty demanded that prompt measures waged by the Indians against them. Humanity should be taken to give security to the persons and property of American citizens in Oregon. the House the following Message from the The SPEAKER, by general consent, laid before President of the United States: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: I lay before Congress the accompanying memorial and papers, which have been transmitted to me by a special messenger, employed for that purpose by the Governor and "Legislative Assembly of Oregon Territory," who constitute the temporary govern. ment which the inhabitants of that distant region of our country have, from the necessity of their condition, organized for themselves. The memorialists are citizens of the United States. They exin their present perilous and distressed situation, ardent attachment to their native land, and, press they earnestly invoke the aid and protection of their Government. They represent that "the proud and powerful tribes of Indians" residing in their vicinity, have recently raised "the war-whoop, and crimsoned 1ST SESS.] Message from the President-Oregon. WASHINGTON, May 29, 1848. [MAY, 1848. their tomahawks in the blood of their citizens; "ing the Rocky Mountains. If not promptly passed, that they apprehend that "many of the powerful a delay of another year will be the consequence, tribes inhabiting the upper valley of the Columbia, and may prove destructive to the white settlehave formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying ments in Oregon. JAMES K. POLK. on hostilities against their settlements; that the number of the white population is far inferior to that of the savages; that they are deficient in arms and money, and fear that they do not possess strength to repel the "attack of so formidable a foe, and protect their families and property from violence and rapine." They conclude their appeal to the Government of the United States for relief by declaring: "If it be at all the intention of our honored parent to spread her guardian wing over her sons and daughters in Oregon, she surely will not refuse to do it now, when they are struggling with all the ills of a weak and temporary government, and when perils are daily thickening around them and preparing to burst upon their heads. When the ensuing summer's sun shall have dispelled the snow from the mountains, we shall look with glowing hope and restless anxiety for the coming of your laws and your arms." In my message of the 5th of August, 1846, communicating "a copy of the convention for the settlement and adjustment of the Oregon boundary," I recommended to Congress that "provision should be made by law at the earliest practicable period, for the organization of a territorial government in Oregon." In my annual message of December, 1846, and again in December, 1847, this recommendation was repeated. The population of Oregon is believed to exceed twelve thousand souls, and it is known that it will be increased by a large number of emigrants during the present season. The facts set forth in the accompanying memorial and papers, show that the dangers to which our fellow-citizens are exposed are so imminent, that I deem it to be my duty again to impress on Congress the strong claim which the inhabitants of that distant country have to the benefit of our laws and the protection of our Gov ernment. I therefore again invite the attention of Congress to the subject, and recommend that laws be promptly passed establishing a Territorial Government, and granting authority to raise an adequate volunteer force for the defence and protection of its inhabitants. It is believed that a regiment of mounted men, with such additional force as may be raised in Oregon, will be sufficient to afford the required protection. It is recommended that the force raised for this purpose should engage to serve for twelve months, unless sooner discharged. No doubt is entertained, with proper inducements in land bounties, such a force can be raised in a short time. Upon the expiration of their service many of them will doubtless desire to remain in the country, and settle upon the land which they may receive as bounty. It is deemed important that provision be made for the appointment of a suitable number of Indian agents to reside among the various tribes in Oregon, and that appropriations be made to enable them to treat with these tribes, with a view to restore and preserve peace between them and the white inhabitants. Mr. COBB, of Georgia, said the information contained in the Message of the President of the United Sates, which had just been read, had been confirmed by private letters which some gentlemen on this floor had received from citizens of Oregon. The time at which it came to them was very opportune. He was happy to hear the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. C. B. SMITH) this morning introduce a resolution to make the bill for the establishment of a territorial Government in Oregon a special order, but he feared, if it was to be preceded by the appropriation bills, that some weeks would elapse before this House could take action upon it, and that it would not be reached until the arrival of a period too late for the purpose contemplated by this Message. What had they now heard? Why, that the Indian tribes were waging war against our citizens in Oregon, who called upon us for assistance; and it was our duty to respond promptly to that call, and furnish them with the means of protection. The bill to establish a territorial government in Oregon had been long before Congress, and it had of that Territory had been driven to form a govbeen postponed again and again, until the people ernment for themselves, using for their protection all the power which God and Nature had given them. But they now appealed to this Government in an unusual emergency, and that appeal should be promptly responded to by this House. Immediate action should be had for the protection of our own people in one of our own Territories. He suggested, therefore, and he should make such a motion when he had an opportunity to do so, that the President's Message should be laid on the table and printed, and he should then move an amendment to the motion of the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. C. B. SMITH,) to strike out all that portion which provides for making the Oregon territorial bill the special order immediately after the general appropriation bills, and insert words to postpone the present special orders, that immediate action might be taken on the territorial bill, so as to dispose of it at the earliest practicable period. Mr. MURPHY wished to ask the gentleman from Georgia if it was necessary, in order to give protection to the people of Oregon, to organize a territorial government in that territory? Could they not act promptly, and adopt a measure to furnish them with protection? Nay, could not the Executive do it without any action of this House? Mr. COBB said it must be admitted that it Should the laws recommended be promptly passwas in the power of the Government of the ed, the measures for their execution may be com- United States to protect its own people without pleted during the present season, and before the the passage of this bill, but this bill was a proseverity of winter will interpose obstacles in cross-tection to which the people of Oregon had been |