FEBRUARY, 1847.]

Further War Measures.

[29TH CONG.

Should the war, contrary to my earnest desire, | to defray its expenses, and to uphold and maintain be protracted to the close of the term of service of the public credit. the volunteers now in Mexico, who engaged for twelve months, an additional volunteer force will probably become necessary to supply their place. Many of the volunteers now serving in Mexico, it is not doubted, would cheerfully engage, at the conclusion of their present term, to serve during the war. They would constitute a more efficient force than could be speedily obtained by accepting the services of any new corps who might offer their services. They would have the advantage of the experience and discipline of a year's service, and will have become accustomed to the climate, and be in less danger than new levies of suffering from the diseases of the country. I recommend, therefore, that authority be given to accept the services of such of the volunteers now in Mexico as the state of the public service may require, and who may, at the termination of their present term, voluntarily engage to serve during the war with Mexico, and that provision be made for commissioning the officers. Should this measure receive the favorable consideration of Congress, it is recommended that a bounty be granted to them upon their voluntarily extending their term of service. This would not only be due to these gallant men, but it would be economy to the Government; because, if discharged at the end of the twelve months, the Government would be bound to incur a heavy expense in bringing them back to their homes, and in sending to the seat of war new corps of fresh troops to supply their place.

In my annual Message of the 8th December last, I submitted for the consideration of Congress the propriety of imposing as a war measure, revenue duties on some of the articles now embraced in the free list. The principal articles now exempt from duty, from which any considerable revenue could be derived, are tea and coffee. A moderate revenue duty on these articles, it is estimated, would produce annually an amount exceeding two and a half millions of dollars. Though in a period of peace, when ample means could be derived from duties on other articles for the support of the Government, it may have been deemed proper not to resort to a duty on these articles; yet, when the country is engaged in a foreign war, and all our resources are demanded to meet the unavoidable increased expenditure in maintaining our armies in the field, no sound reason is perceived why we should not avail ourselves of the revenues which may be derived from this source. The objections which have heretofore existed to the imposition of these duties were applicable to a state of peace, when they were not needed. We are now, however, engaged in a foreign war. We need money to prosecute it, and to maintain the public honor and credit. It cannot be doubted that the patriotic people of the United States would cheerfully, and without complaint, submit to the payment of this additional duty, or any other that may be necessary to maintain the honor of the country, provide for the unavoidable expenses of the Government, and to uphold the public credit. It is recommended that any duties which may be imposed on these articles be limited in their duration to the

An additional annual revenue, is is estimated, of between half a million and a million of dollars, would be derived from the graduation and reduction of the price of such of the public lands as have been long offered in the market at the minimum price established by the existing laws, and have remained unsold. And, in addition to other reasons commending the measure to favorable consideration, it is recommended as a financial measure. The duty suggested on tea and coffee, and the graduation and reduction of the price of the public lands, would secure an additional annual revenue to the treasury of not less than three millions of dollars, and would thereby prevent the necessity of incurring a public debt annually to that amount, the interest on which must be paid semi-annually, and ultimately the debt itself, by a tax on the people.

By the act of the thirteenth of May last, the President was authorized to accept the services of volunteers, "in companies, battalions, squadrons, and regiments," but no provision was made for fill-period of the war. ing up vacancies which might occur by death, or discharges from the service, on account of sickness or other casualties. In consequence of this omission, many of the corps now in service have been much reduced in numbers. Nor was any provision made for filling vacancies of regimental or company officers who might die or resign. Information has been received at the War Department of the resignation of more than one hundred of these officers. They were appointed by the State authorities, and no information has been received, except in a few instances, that their places have been filled; and the efficiency of the service has been impaired from this cause. To remedy these defects, I recommend that authority be given to accept the services of individual volunteers, to fill up the places of such as may die, or become unfit for the service and be discharged; and that provision be also made for filling the places of regimental and company officers who may die or resign. By such provisions, the volunteer corps may be constantly kept full, or may approximate the maximum number authorized and called into service in the first instance.

While it is deemed to be our true policy to prosecute the war in the manner indicated, and thus make the enemy feel its pressure and its evils, I shall be at all times ready, with the authority conferred on me by the constitution, and with all the means which may be placed at my command by Congress, to conclude a just and honorable peace.

Of equal importance with an energetic and vigorous prosecution of the war are the means required

It is a sound policy, and one which has long been approved by the Government and people of the United States, never to resort to loans unless in cases of great public emergency, and then only for the smallest amount which the public necessities will permit.

The increased revenues which the measures now recommended would produce would, moreover, enable the Government to negotiate a loan, for any additional sum which may be found to be needed, with more facility, and at cheaper rates than can be done without them.

Under the injunction of the constitution which makes it my duty "from time to time to give to Congress information of the state of the Union, and

to recommend to their consideration such measures" as shall be judged "necessary and expedient," I respectfully and earnestly invite the action of Congress on the measures herein presented for their consideration. The public good, as well as a sense of my responsibility to our common constituents, in my judgment, imperiously demand that I should present them for your enlightened consideration, and invoke favorable action upon them before the close of your present session.

JAMES K. POLK. WASHINGTON, February 13, 1847.

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

ure that I again return to your midst. Had I a more powerful voice, I might respond to the congratulations of my friends and the members of this House for the honor which has been done me. But enfeebled as I am by disease, I beg that you will excuse me.]

Mr. W. HUNT then resumed the floor, and entered into a discussion of the general question of the war, showing that the longer it continued the greater would be the amount of

On motion, the Message was referred to the indemnity required from Mexico-thus increas

Committee on Military Affairs.

The Senate then adjourned.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

SATURDAY, February 13.

Three Million Loan Bill.

Mr. SEABORN JONES was entitled to the floor, and addressed the committee during the hour. Premising that he did not intend to occupy much of the time of the House with remarks upon the bill immediately under consideration, he (Mr. J.) passed on to a review of the causes which had involved us in the war with Mexico. Whether just or unjust, whether brought on by the Executive of the United States or by Mexico, war existed; money was requisite to procure an honorable peace, or to carry on the war, as the case might be; and he did not doubt that a large majority of the House would readily appropriate all the means that were required.

Mr. J. then entered upon a reply to the argument of Mr. STEPHENS, in relation to the causes of the war, which he attributed entirely to the stubborn folly of Mexico herself. He (Mr. J.) was not for a "masterly inactivity," but for a vigorous prosecution of the war, and for cutting off the resources of Mexico, until she came and asked for peace; and then he was for granting peace on liberal terms.

He opposed urgently the adoption of the Wilmot proviso; and in this connection, went into an examination of the Scripture argument on the subject of slavery.

Mr. W. HUNT then obtained the floor, and addressed the committee mainly in opposition to the acquisition, on grounds of public policy, of any further territory.

[Whilst Mr. H. was speaking,

Mr. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, for the first time
since his attack of paralysis, entered the Hall.
The committee rose in a body to receive him.
HUNT suspended his remarks; and

Mr.

Mr. ANDREW JOHNSON then rose, and said: In compliance with the understanding with which I selected a seat at the commencement of the present session, I now tender to the venerable member from Massachusetts the seat which I then selected for him, and will furthermore congratulate him on being spared to return to this House.

ing the difficulties of final adjustment.

[In the course of the day a Message in writing was received from the President of the United States. See Senate proceedings for this Message.]

The Message having been read, some conversation followed; when

Mr. C. J. INGERSOLL offered the following resolution; which was adopted:

Resolved, That so much of the President's Message, this day presented to the House of Representatives, as relates to an increase of military officers, be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs; so much as relates to additional impost, to the Committee of Ways and Means; and so much as relates to the war with Mexico, to the Committee thereon promptly. on Foreign Affairs, with instructions to report

Mr. HUDSON took the floor, and resumed the debate. He discussed the war and connected

topics, maintaining that the war was brought

the advance of our army to the Rio Grandeupon us by the act of the President in ordering into a territory without our jurisdiction-where Texas had never extended her authority, and had no claim, except a mere paper claim and

declaration that it was hers.

A word or two of conversation took place PILLSBURY-Mr. P. controverting the position on this point between Mr. HUDSON and Mr. of Mr. HUDSON, and declaring that Texas had a permanent force which had ranged within that that frontier, and which, with other acts of territory for years over the inhabited part of jurisdiction, constitute the basis of a sound claim on the part of Texas to the Rio Grande. had settlements in the valley of the Nueces, Mr. HUDSON (resuming) admitted that Texas but never upon the Rio Grande.

He referred to the comparison which gentlemen had attempted to institute between this war and that of 1812-instituted, he said, because this war could not be justified upon its own merits, and maintained that, instead of resembling, this war was the very reverse of the war of 1812; the war of 1812 being just

this, unjust; that being defensive — this, aggressive; that, commenced and prosecuted to extend the freedom of the seass-this, to extend slavery on shore.

He defended the right of Congress to withhold supplies to an unjust war. To deny it was to assert that we were already under a miliMr. ADAMS responded. It is with much pleas-tary despotism, and not a free people. The

Three Million Loan Bill.

power of the people, through their representa- | the bill in question was postponed to the eighth tives, to withhold supplies, was their peculiar instant. Aware of the large amount of men prerogative under our Government, and was a and money necessary for a vigorous prosecution doctrine" formidable to tyrants only." of the contest, we have at this session authorHe reviewed the course of the Administra-ized a further loan of twenty-eight millions of tion in its different stages, and their admissions, to show that this was a war of conquest; and alluded to the various, almost insurmountable, difficulties which stood in the way of our suc

orders to be disbanded west of the Rocky Mountains. When that army shall return they will bring the country with them.

Upon the return of peace and the acquisition of a part of the Mexican territory, it may well be expected that expediency as well as justice will suggest the propriety of paying to the Mexican Government this three millions as a balance due Mexico, over and above her indebtedness to us, for the territory we shall acquire. This is the purpose for which the three millions is wanted. When we consider how much more than she can pay Mexico owes already, it woud be idle to ask, for what other purpose can the three millions be required?

[FEBRUARY, 1847.

and if passed in its present form, would preclude both Houses from objecting to ratify and carry out any treaty whatever which the President might be disposed to make.

66

He denounced the war as a Presidential war, and a war of conquest, and would vote for the Wilmot proviso" as the most effectual means, if carried, of bringing it to a speedy termination. The object of the Administration was to acquire new territory to make it slave territory, and if this prohibition of slavery were imposed by Congress, their warlike spirit would quickly subside. Still he had voted supplies because the President, by plunging us into war and our army into danger, had left him no choice. He had done it for the protection of our army.

He commented upon the fatuity and madness of the Administration in involving us in war for the sake of acquiring territory with which we could do nothing when got, and which would but prove an apple of discord, and was fraught with danger to the existence of the Union itself.

When we are thus taking measures for a permanent acquisition of territory, ordinary prudence forces upon us the inquiry, To what purpose shall this territory be devoted? Shall it be hallowed by free and cheerful toil, or must it be condemned to yield a stinted supply to the reluctant labor of the slave? The proviso under consideration is intended to perform the office of reserving this territory to the enjoy- Mr. BROCKENBROUGH said, upon the subject ment of free labor. Some effort has been made of the "Wilmot proviso," unlike many gentleto brand this movement with hard names, and men from the South, he had no fears for the to impress upon it the odium of Abolitionism. institution of slavery, or for the dissolution of But the day has gone by when men can be the Union; not from any wilful blindness, but driven from the performance of their duty by because, after calm reflection, it appeared to such expedients. This is no Abolition project. him that whenever the governments of this The proviso does not interfere with slavery in country, either State or Federal, had underthe States where it now exists. With that sub- taken to legislate in advance of public opinion, ject we have nothing to do. We take this up and prescribe rules for public opinion, their as a great national question-a question un-enactments were but a dead letter on the statute trammelled by any vested right-one which addresses itself to us not as mere philanthropists or partisans, but as legislators.

But, Mr. Chairman, I have another case of the highest authority-an authority which honorable gentlemen who take the other side of this question by no means should question. It will be remembered that a few days since, when the bill to organize the Territory of Oregon was in progress through this House, the honorable gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. BURT) proposed an amendment to that bill, fixing the line for slave territory at thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of north latitude. The honorable mover of that amendment, with those who deny the power generally, voted in favor of that amendment; thus explicitly admitting, by their most solemn acts, the power of Congress to control this question. Acts are better evidence of the real opinions of men than declarations. Thus, upon authority of the highest character, judicial and legislative, am I borne out in the conclusion, that the constitution has vested in Congress the power to prohibit the introduction of slavery in territory thus acquired.

Mr. STEWART opposed the grant of three millions of dollars proposed by the bill under consideration, as intended to ratify any treaty the President of the United States might think proper to make for the acquisition of territory. It was the ratification of a treaty beforehand,

book. Any legislation at this time, declaring that lands which may hereafter be acquired by the United States shall be occupied by one portion of the country to the exclusion of the other, would be perfectly futile and ineffectual. From the beginning of the Government down to the present day, the North and the South had been advancing with giant and equal stride towards the West, and no arbitrary line could restrain the advances of the institutions of either. The Missouri compromise line had only been acquiesced in by the South because north of that line slavery could not go, from the nature of the case, so as to be for the interest of the people.

But granting that the principles of the amendment could be enforced, (in case it were adopted,) Mr. B. presented a picture of the blighting influences it would entail upon the South, resulting finally in the extermination of the entire white race in that section; a consequence disastrous in the extreme to the North and of all sections of our country.

On the other hand, if this institution were allowed to take its natural course, and to spread southward and westward, by diffusion it would lose its strength, and in the course of a century, he prophesied, its very existence itself. It was already beginning to ebb in the southern States, and white labor and industry were coming in to take the place of those of the slave.

Three Million Loan Bill.