The superior population and wealth of the English colonies, and the immense superiority of the British navy over that of France, and particularly the energy of Pitt's administration, turned the scales in favor of England. Great joy was diffused throughout the British dominions; but in no place was it felt in a higher degree, or with greater reason, than in America. For one hundred and fifty years France and England had been contending for American territory, and for the last half of that period almost incessantly. Neither knew the precise extent of their boundaries, but both were willing to enlarge them. They possessed much, but coveted more. Neither were backward to make encroachments on the other; and both were prompted to repel them when made, or supposed to be made, on themselves. Throughout this period, especially the last half of it, in addition to the unavoidable calamities of war, indiscriminate massacres had been frequently and extensively committed on numerous settlers, dispersed over many hundred miles of exposed frontier; it has been supposed that the British lost, in this way, not less than twenty thousand inhabitants. War assumed a most terrific aspect among the colonists. Not confined to men in arms, as is common in Europe, aged persons, women and children, were frequently its victims. The tomahawk and scalping-knives, carried to the firesides of peaceable, helpless families, were applied promiscuously to every age and sex. It was hoped that the reduction of Canada would close these horrid scenes forever, with respect to the northern and middle colonies. As the Indians could in future derive supplies from none but the English, and as they could no longer be exposed to the seduction of French influence, it was confidently expected that they would desist from their depredations, and leave the colonists to pursue their own happiness. This was in a great measure the case, after the peace of Paris, in 1763. At the end of that period, a new war, on new principles, commenced, in which the same ground was fought over, and the same points contended for, by new parties. The Indians were again called in as auxiliaries, and encouraged to the same scenes of devastation and murder, from which the colonists had fondly hoped that the conquest of Canada had forever delivered them. The origin of this revolution is the next subject of inquiry. Before we enter upon it, a few reflections may be properly indulged.

One hundred and fifty-six years had passed away between the first permanent British establishment in North America, and the conquest of Canada. In a considerable portion of that period, the three greatest naval powers of Europe,-England, France and Spain, had been incessantly contending for the same American

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territory. The boundaries of the colonies, which now form the United States, were subjects of controversy on every side, except where nature's highway, the ocean, precluded all ideas of appropriation. Ignorance of American geography laid the foundation for disputes respecting the boundaries of adjoining provinces, though granted by the same sovereign, and still more so respecting the extent of territory claimed by different nations. The former might be adjusted in civil courts; but the latter, where there was no common umpire, to whom an appeal could be made, were generally referred to the sword. For seventy years, wars had succeeded wars, without settling any points in controversy. At length, a great and decisive effort took place, in which a complete trial of strength was made by the naval powers. In this, the law of war decided differently from the new law of nations, in favor of prior occupants; the sword settled all claims of territory, in such a manner, that the English, who were the last occupiers of a part, became the sole possessors of almost the whole North American continent, to the exclusion of their vanquished rivals, who had a prior possession in its northern and southern extremities.

CHAPTER LIV.

Origin of the troubles which led to the American revolution.- - Assumption of the power of exclusive legislation by the British Parliament.-Financial embarrassments of Britain.-Schemes for raising a revenue in America.-Restrictions imposed on the trade of the colonies.—Discontent of the colonists.-Embarrassments caused by the oppressive and impolitic measures of the ministry.—The Stamp Act passed.—Indignation and resolute opposition of the colonists

THE troubles which led to the American Revolution proceeded from two general causes; an excessive desire of dominion in the British government, and a jealousy, in the colonists, of ministerial designs against their rights and liberties. It cannot be disputed that the legislature in Great Britain, as well as the executive power, by divers acts of parliament, which had all the appearance of selfishness and tyranny, gave, at an early period, sufficient ground of jealousy to the colonies. On the pretence of expenses incurred for the defence of America, the British government claimed a right of internal taxation, unknown to the English constitution; and proceeded to frame new laws, which declared that the sole right of legislation was vested in the parliament of England. In this case, the subjects of the British empire in the western part of the world were considered not as citizens, but as vassals, under absolute authority to a legislature, in which they had none to represent them. The recent war with France and Spain had added an enormous weight of debt to the national burdens, and the peace that was but lately concluded, had given England an addition of territory, without making her in reality any richer. As soon as peace gave the nation time to reflect, it was found that the flattering ideas of conquest could not remove the uneasy feelings which the pressure of so many millions of debt had occasioned. It was expected that the debts would have been lessened, the taxes reduced, and the burdens lightened; but the hot fever of war had so weakened the whole frame of the constitution, that the nation, soon after the peace, appeared, as it were, in the second stage of a consumption. The conductors of the last war, who had prosecuted it upon the plan which the elder Pitt had bequeathed to their hands, were obliged ignominiously to drop it, for want of capacity to carry it on. They ratified a peace, as inglorious as the war had been successful.

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Though an indifferent peace is preferable to even a successful state of war, yet, when a nation is laden with a burden of enormous debt, contracted for its own defence, wisdom and political prudence will certainly vindicate them in making their enemies, when in their power, pay as much as possible of the debt. The negotiators of the peace were considered by the bulk of the natives, a set of adventurers, who, when they were sensible of their incapacity to carry on the war, were determined to conclude a peace, with as much profit to their own private interest as possible.

The government, since the conclusion of the peace, had been projecting schemes for raising a revenue; but as the number of pensioners was not reduced, and enormous sums were paid to sinecures, all the methods that had as yet been devised, were found ineffectual to answer the intentions of the ministry. They began, at last, to turn their attention to a new subject, which, in conclusion, brought on disorders in the empire, and at last issued in a civil war, and the revolt of the thirteen colonies. As the merchants in Great Britain had been enriched by their traffic in America, and government had for many years received a large revenue from the trade of that country, the ministers began to imagine that there was an inexhaustible fund of wealth in the colonies to answer their present purposes. Without examining strictly into the consequences which might follow a too precipitate determination in a matter so new and so delicate, they decided at once to raise a new revenue in the American colonies.

Their first movement was to prohibit the Americans from exporting their superfluous commodities to the Spanish and French colonies. This trade, which had been formerly winked at, though not strictly agreeable to the British laws of navigation, was of great advantage both to the colonies and the mother country. Those articles which would have been as lumber upon the hands of the colonists, and could not have been useful to Great Britain, were sold to the Spaniards and French for ready money, or bartered for valuable commodities, for which there was always a demand in Europe. This enabled the colonies to pay their bills in specie to the merchants at home, or to afford them such merchandise as was equivalent to ready money. What were the secret springs of action which moved the British .egislature to prefer this impolitic statute, is not easy to perceive, unless, by listening to the reports of the British West India merchants, who might conceive that it would enable the French and Spaniards to undersell them in foreign markets, and of consequence reduce their profits, they were seduced to give way to their solicitations.

In time of war this trade had been carried on by flags of truce between Great Britain and France, as a public benefit to both, till the French West India Islands being shut up by the British fleets, it was conceived that France had more advantage by it than England, and for that reason it was restrained as a treasonable practice. But this last reason of restraint had no existence after the peace was concluded.

Unreasonable as this law may appear to be, the method of putting it into execution was still more absurd and oppressive. A number of armed cutters were fitted out and stationed upon the coasts of America, to prevent this supposed contraband trade, the captains of which were to act in the character of revenue officers, and to determine what ships were liable to the penalties of this act. The greatest part of these new naval revenue officers were utter strangers to the nature of their employment. They frequently detained ships, which came not within the description of the act; and by these unnecessary detentions, they interrupted trade, without bringing anything into the treasury. When, through their ignorance or insolence, a lawful trader was injured, it was not easy to obtain redress; the offenders lived upon an element where justice and law have often little influence; and when they came ashore, it was in bodies too numerous to be called to an account by the civil authority, or in places where their actions were not cognizable by the law. None but the lords of the admiralty, or of the treasury, in England, could remove this grievance; but considering the distance of place, and the manner of application, the whole trade might have been ruined before redress could have been obtained.

This was a grievance which the American subjects felt severely. The many unjust acts of violence that followed, tended very much to irritate the minds of both parties, and when they represented their cases, it was frequently with great acrimony and aggravation. The English parliament might have easily foreseen these consequences, had they not been infatuated with the hope of raising a large revenue from the Americans. The majority in the House of Commons, but especially the ministry, were yet smarting sore under the blows they had received from the North Briton, and other political pasquinades. A secretary of state had been also, the year before, fined in a court of justice, in a penalty of a thousand pounds, for issuing a legal warrant; and considering the poverty of the exchequer, every similar touch increased the painful feelings of the ministry. They seemed in a state of distraction when they passed this law of restraint upon the trade of America, and it had more the appearance of an act