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of the family over another, have their origin and inspiration, in the government which such nation adopts, and in the character of their freedom, and the moral efficacy and utility of the institutions which they erect. In this respect, no example of ancient or modern times compares with our own--which incontestibly proves, that the true theory of human happiness and success, consists in the liberty of physical pursuits, and the imposition of only such laws as are calculated to promote and consecrate our freedom.

The contest of progressive rivalry in the nineteenth century, has been confined to the United States, France and Great Britain. But both France and Great Britain had passed through almost every political stage toward the attainment of a perfect state of government, before the birth of the American Union. Both had invoked the philosophy and experience of twenty centuries to aid in constructing their social fabrics, and to vindicate every resort to revolution, to bloodshed, to tyranny, or to anarchy. They had built upon the splendid sites, vacated alternately by barbaric and civilized monarchies or commonwealths; and had endeavoured, by cautious diplomacy and rigid discipline, to avoid encountering those fearful disasters which had befallen those cities and empires, which had crumbled and strewn Europe and Asia with their ruins. The people of the United States, on the contrary, had come hither, not only actuated by various and opposite motives, but from countries recognising conflicting systems of government, and severally imbued with antagonistical feelings and prejudices--some seeking an asylum from oppression-some led by a spirit of adventure ; some to expiate crimes in banishment; some to better their fortunes; and some, who preferred hardships and exile, with freedom of conscience, to ease and luxury with a trammelled conscience. And of this people-strangers to each other, strangers in their intercourse, and strangers in their sympathies - it was expected to make a nation, unanimous in sentiment, harmonious in action, and concurrent in popular suffrage! How could it be believed, that these adverse and diverse elements should co-operate, fraternize and counsel together, and, as by a word, put all the wheels of a civil ard practical government in motion? The leading nations of Europe, of which France and Great Britain were the eminent representatives, had been influenced by circumstances, and tutored by expediencies, until the population of each had been moulded to a unity, and the bond of sympathy, superadded to that of interest, was made complete. They had reached, at the time of the American revolution, that social condition which is wanting in none of the essential qualities of a united family, nor of the filial instincts which become potriotism or martyrdom, in the devotion with which the subject serves his king. But it was a happy coincidence that brought a union among the American colonies ; for otherwise, being in the social condition we have described, without any political organization, whatever, as a whole, a hundred years might have passed, and found them more unprepared for a sudden transition, than they were then. The cause that united them upon the instant, was not only sacred and holy for even such considerations, although they create sympathy, do not always inspire concert of action--but it was one of those threatened evils, which seemed to embody every wrong, outrage, fraud or oppression, which the colonists, individually, had suffered under their own government, and from which they had severally fled. And now, that this embodiment, in the shape of a gigantic scourge, was about afresh to assail them-men who perilled their lives, and that of their families, in the new world, to escape from it--a thrill of spontaneous resistance penetrated every bosom, and the unhealed wounds of each made every one a friend, a brother, or a patriot. It was this final consideration that bound the revoluionists, as by a bond more sacred and more fearful than an oath-their mighty wrongs — and which, to the astonishment of Europe, discovered them presenting their breasts, at the first murmur of war, like a wall between their oppressors and their domestic hearths.

But, although Europe found a living rampart in these devoted enemies of tyranny, it also found them unexperienced in government, and greatly at fault in matters of science and art. «Α terrible interest,” said a parliamentarian, at that day, “may serve to unite that people in what concerns their liberty ; but without laws, without government, and without experience-an amalgamation of elements without order and without reserve—a merely excited populace, bent on mischief-it is doubted whether they can even found a government, to say nothing of perpetuating it, or giving to it, by their enterprise or progress in the arts of peace, the prestige of a name.")* Poor sagacity, and still more miserable reasoning! The war swept over.

It left the land desolate ; but it had spared the sons and fathers of many a martyr. These men inherited or continued to cherish all their dislike to the governments, the laws, and other authors of their banishment. The feelings by which they had been prompted to enlist in defending their country, they brought into play when they came to consider that a government was to be formed, and was to be left as a heritage to their posterity. Each contributed his share in framing a constitution. Each detailed the grievances, [giving example in his own case,] which might be apprehended from vesting too much or too little

power in the proper sources. And, in this way, the evils of every pre-existing form of government were understood, acknowledged and guarded against, in the federal charter ; and that instrument has, by its operation, shown the expediency of admitting, on the witnessstand, the scars and unhealed wounds of the early colonists, souvenirs of the false theories of government

• North : “British Orators.».

elsewhere, to any logic which might have fallen from lips merely trained to declaim.

England and France, as representatives of civilization in Europe, be it remembered, had not yet exhausted the list of purely doctrinal governments. They continued (they have since continued] to invent, after the fathers of the revolution pronounced their labours complete. The wide difference was, and is, that the latter brought to bear the fruits of practical experience from every portion of Europe, and incorporated that experience in the instrument which they framed. The former, who have had no such fountain of information whence to draw supplies, have merely discarded one theory for another, and are, consequently, behind us nearly eighty years in liberty and legitimate legislation. Having attained the primary object of human welfare-the establishment of civil institutions we have had little to exercise our thoughts but to develop our genius, and push our enterprise to the extent of our ambition. This must account for our unrivalled progress the realization of that greatness which is as astounding to the rotten despotisms of Europe, as it is gratifying to every well-wisher of the Union.

In order to comprehend fully this greatness, we have combined with the census statistics that follow, official data relative to the external commerce of the country.

One hundred and fifty years ago, the colonies contained a little over 260,000 white inhabitants, scattered throughout eleven of the now states of the Union. In 1790, the population was 3,929,827; and it is now, [1850,] 23,191,876. Our territorial acquisitions and original possessions extend over an area of nearly 2,000,000,000 acres, or over 2,900,000 square miles. The slopes, or those portions of the United States and territories, which are watered by rivers falling respectively into the two oceans and the Gulf of Mexico, are as follows:

Square miles.
Pacific slope.....

778,266
Atlantic slope....

967.576 Mississippi valley...

1,237,311 Total....

2,983,153 Territorial surface of Europe,.............3,684,832

Square miles. Viz: Russia and Poland....... ...1,999,783 Italy........

135,288 Germany

90,620 Prussia....

107,921 Great Britain and Islands... 120,500 France and Corsica ..... ... 203,736

Rest of Europe...............1,026,984—3,684,832 The continent of America, unlike the continent of Asia and

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16

Illinois....

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...9..

Pennsylvania....... 64 1,464 987

58,494,675 Delaware

2

43 600,000 Maryland....

3 597 30 26,024,620 Virginia .

21 673 1,180 12,720,213 North Carolina....

4 359 243 6,947,421 South Carolina..

9 661 288 13,287,093 Georgia..

15 884 445 16,084,872 Alabama

6 221 659 3,636,203 Mississippi

4 155 436 3,070,000 Louisiana..

8

170 239 1,661,000 Texas ..

1
00 92

00 Tennessee. 9 388 695

7,800,000 Kentucky.

9 233 552 4,909,990 Ohio .....

46 2,609 1,582 50,775,344 Indiana .... 19 1,127 868

22,400,000 26 1,262 2,017 29,581,204 Michigan

3 570 41 16,559,000 Wisconsin

4 178 200 3,800,000 Iowa.....

2
00 480

00 Florida......

2

54 00 250,000 *Missouri..

9

50 963 1,000,000 Total

398 17,811 17,898 508,588 03 At this moment we have in operation in the United States 18,000 miles of railroad, over which, it is computed, cars of all kinds pass 216,000 miles daily, or 67,578,000 (Sundays excluded) annually, and over which 10,800,000 passengers are carried daily, or [Sundays excepted] 3,333,450,000 annually. This estimate may appear high; but when we come to consider that a large interest is annually paid on $509,000,000 first required to build these roads; that heavy outlays are constantly incurred for machinery, to supply losses by wear and tear, to meet salaries, rents, &c., and that railroad companies make money by their operations, it will not appear so extravagant as at first glance it may seem.

And these railroads, which are but one of the means of intercourse employed by commerce, and in other relations of life, convey to the sea-board those products and manufactures which principally go to make up the maritime and commercial wealth of the nation, and, by their exchanges, the revenues which support the government. Our imports and exports now exceed $430,000,000 per annum ; and add to this our lake and river trade, amounting to $586,780,131, which is demestic mostly, but for promoting which the railroad is an indispensable agent, and we have an aggregate trade conducted in our waters of $1,016,780,131. The internal and external trade of Great Britain and Ireland does not exceed six hundred millions of dollars per annum,

while ours amounts to more than a thousand millions and all this accomplished in the lapse of seventy-six years !

We have taken the liberty of correcting the above items relating to Missouri, as follows: No. of woede, 5. Miles in operation, 38. Miles constructing 1,200. Cost in dollars, $1,700,000.-EDITOR,

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