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in Spain, or any other subject, there will be no objection to grant him all the information he may desire, and he could assure the noble earl there would be no unwillingness in ministers to meet him on these specific charges, or any other he might think proper to bring forward; but let him not go into a scrutiny of their conduct without having the documents necessary to form a decision before the house. Lord Erskine supported the motion.

Lord Grosvenor professed his readiness to frame his motion in any shape calculated to bring the important subjects he should mention before their lordships.

Lord Liverpool said that, during the last twenty years, in all the alamities and vicissitudes which arose in that period, whether from misconduct or misfortune, there was no instance of such a motion being agreed to as that proposed by the noble lord. In the course of that time repeated motions, of the nature of that brought for ward, had been proposed, and they were invariably resisted by the noble lord on principles in which he completely agreed with him. The chief ground for resisting them was the indefinite nature of such motion. He would not say that cases might not occur in which such a committce might be necessary, but when that should not happen, it should give way to a course less subject to inconvenience. If ministers wished to shrink from inquiry, there was no mode better adapted for it than the one proposed; no mode better adapted to defeat discussion; no mode better calculated to confound and confuse all inquiry, could be adopted. The ordinary and regular course would be to adhere to the practice of parliament; to call for informa

tion first, and then to follow it by a specific motion of censure, if he should be warranted by the nature of that information. Let the house get at the facts, and then they would know how to proceed. The noble earl, who made the motion, had dwelt much upon the great losses in men, ammunition, horses, and artillery, sustained in Spain. As far as he could follow him in those facts, and others respecting the march of the troops from Portugal, and the movements in Spain, there was not one of these facts, at least one which was material, in which the noble earl was not incorrect. How necessary was it, therefore, that before he called for a committee, their lordships should be put in possession of the true state of the facts? For his part, he was disposed to give him every information consistent with his duty to the public. With respect to Spain or Portugal, ministers would have no reserve as to the extent of the information they were disposed to grant, but they could not exercise equal liberality in what related to Sweden. They would not shrink from investigation on any points from which public inconvenience was not likely to arise.

The earl of Moira said, for his own part, he was convinced that, whatever the judgement of the house might be, the verdict of the country would be given on the decision of the house that night. Nothing could, in his mind, be clearer than the misconduct of his majesty's present ministers. That which he charged them with was so palpable and glaring, that it stared every man in the face, and must in the eyes of the public weigh heavily against them unless they consented to clear themselves by a fair and full investigation of the measures they had adopted and

pursued.

pursued. Turn which way we would, the prospect was the same, and bore the like gloomy and dreary aspect. What was our situation with regard to America? and how had ministers acted towards that country? They knew in the beginning of the year, when they first began with Sweden, that they had every reason to expect a war with America. It was a case which touched the honour as well as the interests and commerce of the Americans; and there could not, therefore, be any thing more likely to happen. What, then, was likely to be the situation and state of Ireland, and that immensely important branch of trade and revenue, the linen manufactory? If the people of Ireland could not obtain flax seed from America, and we should also be shut out of the Baltic, the melancholy and dreadful consequence would follow, that there would be nearly half a million of people reduced to poverty and ruin; and all this was likely to happen from the inattention and abandonment of the interests of the king of Sweden. His lordship then adverted to the universal feeling of warmth and enthusiasm which the whole of this country had evinced last spring in favour of Spain. Never was any thing known so general, so animated, and so ardent, as the disposition which then prevailed, and the zeal with which every bosom glowed, to render the Spaniards every assistance in the power of this country to afford. His majesty's ministers had consented to meet the wishes of the people here, and to comply with the requisition of assistance made by the juntas in Spain. They determined on sending an army to Spain, but, in the plenitude of their wisdom and foresight, dispatched

it first to Portugal. He then mentioned two letters, both, dated on the 30th of June last, from the war secretary to sir A. Wellesley, in the first of which Spain was mentioned as the first object; but in the other of the same date, he says, that, since writing the first of that day, information had been receiv ed from sir Charles Cotton, that there were only 4000 French troops in Lisbon, and therefore the whole of his attention was to be directed thither, thinking, he supposed, that it must fall an easy conquest. He believed ministers had been misled by that information, and had thereby sacrificed the best interests of this country. His lordship censured ministers for their mode of sending the army from Portugal into Spain, and still more the reinforcements sent out under sir David Baird, which were sent by ministers, so as to become a complete shackle on the measures of sir John Moore.

Lord Harrowby said that, if the noble baron thought the miscon duct of ministers was so glaring as to stare every man in the face, he could not suppose a single paper would be necessary, and the fairest way would be to address his majesty to remove his present ministers. In the most eventful periods, motions similar to the present had been made, but were uniformly rejected. He expressed his regret at some expressions which had fallen- from his noble friend (lord Grenville), as to the country being in a sinking state, which tended to create despondency in the people.

Lord Grenville begged their lordships' indulgence, till he made a few observations on what had just fallen from his noble friend. He believed he was the last man to

be found who would urge the difficulty of our situation, for the purpose of creating despair or despondency. He had always done the direct contrary. He had said, indeed, that we were at that moment pursuing a system of policy which was every day leading to direct ruin; but he had never even hinted, that he had the smallest doubt of the spirit and patriotism of the country. With respect to the valour, skill, and ability of our officers and seamen, and our invincible army, if their efforts were properly directed, no country could stand on prouder ground. But hitherto our councils were directed by a spirit of intemperance which tended to irritate every country against us with which we had any concern or connexion.

Ministers acted either without counsel, or with very bad counsel-sent out armies without plans, and embarked them in such a manner as to render success impossible: but it would be a gross calumny on him, if any one should say he thought the country sinking, except from the weakness of its councils. He had always held out one sentiment on the subject, which was, that we had no hope of safety, save that of relying on ourselves; but that ministers were pursuing a system of conduct that had hitherto produced nothing but disasters, and, if persisted in, must be attended with ruin.

The question was then put, and the motion negatived without a di vision.

CHAPTER II.

Mr. Wardle's Motion relating to the Commander-in-chief-Earl of Suffolk's commendatory Speech respecting the Commander-in-chief-Mr. Wardle's Motion-Mrs. Clarke's Letters to His Royal Highness the Duke of York-Anonymous Letter to Mr. Adam, and Examination of that Gentleman Duke of York's Letter to the House of Commons - Mr. Whit bread's Speech on the Duke's Letter-Mr. Wynne's Notice of a MotionDebate on the Evidence against the Commander-in-chief-Divisions on the general Question.

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R. Wardle rose to submit to in the military service of this em

MR Whouse his promised mo- pire had been placed in the hands

tion, respecting certain abuses which had obtained in the disposal of commissions in the British army. In doing this, he said, he should make no assertion in which he was not supported by positive facts. The power of disposing of commissions

of a person of high birth, power, and influence; and he was sorry to observe, that this power had been exercised to the worst of purposes. But notwithstanding the high au thority and powerful influence which the comraander-in-chief of this

country

country possessed; no respect to either should induce him to swerve from his duty as a member of that house, or operate with him as a motive to screen his royal highness, in any misuse of his power or authority, from that public justice which was called for by the voice of the people. No other motive impelled him that day than a sense of his public duty; for, if corruption were not attacked in a quarter where it was so formidable, the army and the country must fall the victims of its influence. It was necessary, in the first instance, to put the house in possession of the true purposes for which the disposal of commissions in the army was placed in the hands of the commander-in-chief. It was for the purposes of defraying the charges of the half-pay list for the support of veteran officers, and increasing the compassionate fund, for the aid of officers' widows and orphans; and, therefore, any commissions which fell by deaths or promotions, the commander-in-chief had no right to sell or dispose of for his own private emolument,norto appropriate for the like purpose any differences arising from the change or reduction of officers from full to half-pay. He had thus explained, he believed, the nature of the power vested in the hands of the commander-inchief; but he could bring positive proofs that such commissions had been sold, and the money applied to very different purposes from the legitimate ones required by the military usages and establishments of the country. If he could prove that those purposes were, in a variety of instances, abandoned by the commander-in-chief; that of ficers had been reduced to the halfpay list without receiving the sual difference in such cases; and

if he could substantiate such a violation of the rights of military of ficers, it was a duty he owed his constituents and his country to do so.

In the year 1803, his royal highness set up a very handsome establishment, in a fashionable quarter of the town, consisting of a superb house and elegant carriages of various descriptions, for a favourite lady of the name of Mrs. Clarke. Of the lady's name he should have occasion to make frequent mention in the course of his speech, in con-. nexion with a number of names and facts, to show the house that he had not taken up this subject on light grounds.

The first fact which he should state was the case of major Tonyn, of the 48th regiment, who received his commission as a captain on the 2d of August 1802, and was promoted to a majority in the 31st regiment in August 1804. He meant no reflection upon this gal. lant officer, nor in the smallest degree to depreciate his merits; he meant merely to state facts as communicated to him. Major Tonyn was the son of a very distinguished officer, and might have purchased his promotion, if he chose; but this gentleman was introduced to Mrs. Clarke by a captain of the royal waggon train; and it was agreed, that upon his appointment to a majority he should pay 500!., the money to be lodged at a house to be named, three days before he was gazetted, and then paid to a Mr. Donovan, a surgeon, in Charles-street, St. James's-square. As he should have occasion to mention this gentleman (Mr. D.) again, it was necessary to state, that in 1802 he was appointed to a lieutenancy in a garrison battalion, He had never inquired what was the nature of the services he perE 4

formed;

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performed; but certainly no military services, for he had never been near his regiment, and seemed to have a perpetual leave of absence. He could not account why this gentleman's appointment was not in his professional line, upon the medical staff, sufficiently extensive as it was for the purpose. The introducer was captain Huxley Sandon. This money was appropriated by Mrs. Clarke towards the purchase of an elegant service of plate from Mr. Purkis, a silversmith, the commander-in-chief paying the remainder. Thus it was evident that Mrs. Clarke had the power of disposing of commissions for purchase; secondly, that she received pecuniary considera tions for promotions; and thirdly, that the commander-in-chief partook of the emoluments; and this he could prove, by the evidence of five witnesses, including the executors of Mr. Purkis.

The next fact he would adduce was that of colonel Brooke, on the 25th July, 1805, and which was transacted through a Dr. Thynne, a medical gentleman of high respectability. It was agreed between him and Mrs. Clarke, that she should receive 2007. on his exchange being gazetted: the lady was extremely anxious, and said she could have an opportunity of getting 2001. without calling on the commander-in-chief, and on the Saturday following the promotion was gazetted. He should be able

to

produce lieutenant-colonel Brooke and lieutenant-colonel Knight; and he would be the last person in that house to bring forwards such charges without competent evidence. He should now state a case by way of contrast to the last, and for the purpose of showing that such permissions to

exchange were not easily obtained from the duke of York. It was the case of major M'Donnell and major Sinclair, of the first regiment of foot. Major Sinclair had been a considerable time in the West Indies; the climate perfectly agreed with his health, and therefore he was desirous of going upon that service, and applied to the commanderin-chief. Major M'Donnell, who was in a puny state of health, earnestly applied to the commanderin-chief for leave to decline that service, apprehensive of the danger of the climate, and wishing to remain in England. But major Sinclair was refused permission to go, and major M'Donnell was refused permission to remain, and was ordered to the West Indies; both gentlemen fell victims to the arrangement, for they soon died. But they offered no bribe to the mili tary patroness, whose influence could have prevailed in their cases.

The next was the case of major Shaw, appointed deputy barrackmaster general at the Cape of Good Hope. It appeared that the commander-in-chief had no favourable opinion of major Shaw; but Mrs. Clark interposes: he consents to pay her 1000l. Of this money he immediately paid 2007.; shortly after he paid her 3007.; when she, finding he was backward in the payment, sent to demand the remainder; but finding no chance of receiving it, she complains to the commander-in-chief, who immediately put major Shaw upon the half-pay list. The honourable gentleman said, he had a letter from major Shaw himself, stating the fact, and he never knew but one other instance of an officer being thus put on the half-pay list. Here then was further proof, to show that Mrs. Clarke's influence ex

tended

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