long extract from it.

The following passage from the same will show that he was right:

"In all that relates to changes to be introduced into the condition of the servile class our fears are less excited as to the diminution of agricultural wealth than for the safety of the whites, so easily compromised by imprudent measures. Those who elsewhere accuse the Municipality and Consulado of an obstinate resistance forget that from the year 1799 these same authorities have in vain proposed that the state of the blacks in the Island should be taken into consideration. Still more: we are far from adopting maxims which the nations of Europe that pride themselves most in their civilization have regarded as irrefragable; for instance, that without slaves there can be Lo colonies. We declare, on the contrary, that without slaves, and even without blacks, colonies can exist; and that all the difference would be in the amount of profit, in the more or less rapid increase of produce. But if such be our firm persuasion, we ought also to remind your Majesty that a social organization into which slavery has been once introduced as a constituent, cannot be changed with inconsiderate precipitation. We are far from denying that it was an evil contrary to moral principles to drag slaves from one continent to another; that it was an error in politics not to listen to the complaints which Oband, the Governor of Hispaniola, made against the introduction of so many slaves among a small number of treemen; but, since these evils and these abuses are already inveterate, we ought to avoid rendering our situation and that of our slaves worse by the employment of violent measures. That which we ask, Sire, is conformable to the wish expressed by one of the most ardent protectors of the rights of humanity, by the most decided enemy of slavery; we wish, with him, that civil laws should deliver us at once from the abuses and the dangers.”—Vol. i., p. 329-331.

Nor is a different spirit evinced at the present day; the same leniency is still manifested towards the blacks, and it is producing its fruits so rapidly that if slavery could be said to have redeeming features anywhere, or if slaves could be said to have any justice done them, Cuba could be pointed to as the place affording the best illustration of the fact. None more readily admit this than Americans, except such as have a leaning towards slavery themselves, and are therefore uuwilling to make invidious comparisons. Mr. Dana has no scruple of this kind, and he gives his testimony as follows:

"The laws also directly favor emancipation. Every slave has a right to go to a magistrate and have himself valued, and on paying the valuation to receive his free papers. The valuation is made by three assessors of whom the master nominates one and the magistrate the other two' The slave is not obliged to pay the entire valuation at once; but may pay it by instalments of not less than fifty dollars each. These payments are not made as mere advances of money on the security of the master's receipt, but are part purchases. Each payment makes the slave an owner of such a portion of himself, pro parte indivisâ, or, as the common law would say, in tenancy-in-common, with his master. If the valuation be one thousand dollars and he pays one hundred dollars, he is owned onetenth by himself and nine-tenths by his master".-Ib., p. 246.

Another charge urged against Spain by those who are anxious to "liberate " Cuba is that she allows too much power to the Catholic Church, and that in turn the priests make the people submissive by fostering superstition and bigotry, inculcating hatred of Protestantism and Protestant government, &c. For certain reasons nothing is more readily believed among us than this; two-thirds of our people say it must be so; Spain is the country of the Inquisition, and how could she be otherwise than intolerant and bigoted, as well as tyrannical? But it is not necessary to adduce the testimony of any Catholic in order to show that the church has not too much power in Cuba; that, in fact, it has no power at all, and that the Catholic priests of Cuba interfere far less in politics than the Protestant priests of the United States. Enlightened Protestants from all parts of Europe and America who have visited the Island, not to please any political faction or fanatical sect, but to ascertain and proclaim the truth, have called particular attention to the fact that far from being a pampered hierarchy who try to keep the people in ignorance, the Cuban priests are in general poorer than those of any other country, and that if they keep the people in ignorance it is by performing the duties of instructors in every grade of teaching, from that of the most learned university professor down to that of the parochial schoolmaster who teaches the children of the poorer class the rudiments of education. Preferring to adduce American testimony, especially on this subject, we quote again from Mr. Dana:

"But the property of the Church has been sequestrated and confiscated, and the Government now owns all the property once ecclesiastical, including the church edifices, and appoints all the clergy, from the bishop to the humblest country curate. All are salaried officers. And so powerless is the Church that however scandalous may be the life of a parish priest, the bishop cannot remove him. He can only institute proceedings against him before a tribunal over which the Government has large control, with a certainty of long delays and entire uncertainty as to the result. The bishopric of Havana was formerly one of the wealthiest sees in Christendom. Now the salary is hardly sufficient to meet the demands which custom makes in respect of charity, hospitality, and style of living. It may be said, I think with truth, that the Roman Catholic Church has now neither civil nor political power in Cuba."-pp. 237, 238.

We need hardly observe that their influence is not the worse for this, but the better. It is generally admitted by all but bigots that no people are less vicious than the Cubans; they are certainly as little prone to vice as most of our Protestant Anglo-Saxon communities. Mr. Dana is rather cautious in speaking on this subject; he seems as if a little afraid.

of displeasing a certain class of his New England readers. Still his report is in favor of the priests, although in this instance he rather makes an admission than a fearless statement. "Of the moral habits of the clergy," he says, "as well as of the people, at the present time, I am unable to judge. I saw very little that indicated the existence of any vices whatever among the people. Five minutes of a street view of London by night, exhibits more vice, to the casual observer, than all Havana for a year."* When the people of any country exhibit no vices it is but fair to infer that their clergy have done their duty; at least we are bound to infer that the clergy are not vicious. But as the subject is an important one, and nothing is more unworthy than to malign a class of inoffensive men who do the best they can, we will extract one passage more. This will show that if the Cubans were vicious the priests would have a right to claim that some allowance should be made for the anomalous position in which they are placed, at least in some instances, by the laws:

"Another of the difficulties the Church has to contend with arises out of negro slavery. The Church recognizes the unity of all races, and allows marriage between them. The civil law of Cuba, under the interpretations in force here, prohibits marriage between whites and persons who have any tinge of the black blood. In consequence of this rule, concubinage prevails, to a great extent, between whites and mulattoes or quadroons, often with recognition of the children. If either party to this arrangement comes under the influence of the Church's discipline, the relation must terminate. The Church would allow and advise marriage, but the law prohibits it; and if there should be a separation, there may be no provision for the children. This state of things creates no small obstacle to the influence of the Church over the domestic relations."--p. 242.

It will be seen from our remarks and the testimony we adduce in support of them that we do not speak of the destiny of Cuba on the ground that Spain has no right to the Island; that she is oppressive, or effete, as a power. We repeat that we recognize her right as long as she can maintain it, or as long as the Cubans are willing to submit to her rule. As to her being oppressive her own subjects are the best judges in that respect; and as long as they make no very serious complaint we are bound to believe that they do not suffer very much. But the worst of all would be to speculate on wresting her colony from Spain because she is effete, or may become so in a short time; this would be nothing better than to speculate on plundering an individual man as soon as he becomes so old and infirm as to be

Ibid, pp. 240, 241.

unable to protect himself any longer. If Spain be effete now, or may become so soon, she was once vigorous, powerful, and great, surpassing in those qualities all other nations of her time.

We speak, then, of her losing Cuba only as one of those possible or probable events which are legitimate subjects of discussion. While it would not be right to deprive Spain of hercolony because she is weak, it would be equally wrong to allow that colony to pass into other hands because Spain was once great and illustrious. We do not know how soon that contingency may occur. England and France are equally anxious to secure Cuba at any cost as soon as they have any decent pretext for doing so; and it would be ten times more valuable to us, for certain reasons which we need not now mention, than it would be to either; in short, it would be worth more to us than Mexico and Canada put together, although to many of our readers this will seem a great exaggeration.

But if Spain got her choice to-morrow which would she prefer? Nay, which would England prefer? Does any one believe that if the latter possessed Cuba she would say to the people, as she has said to the Canadians, "If you prefer self-government to my rule and protection, have it by all means; know that I lose more by you than I gain." It would be entirely different in the case of Cuba. England knows from experience how much safer and better is a fertile island than a large continental territory; she perfectly understands that she owes her own greatness more to her insular situation than to any other cause; she knows that it was only this position which saved her from the legions of Napoleon, while his victorious troops occupied almost every capital in Europe.

Now, let us remember that Cuba was not one-tenth as wealthy, nor was it supposed it was one-tenth as productive, when England seized upon it without the least pretext but her cupidity, as it is now. Under all these circumstances it is but right that we should be familiar with the true character and resources of the island; a generation, perhaps two or more, may yet elapse before it passes out of the hands of Spain, but the change may occur in half a generation, or in one decade. We need make no effort to hasten the crisis, but certain it is that we ought to be prepared for it.

ART.-III. The Works of the Honorable Robert Boyle. In six vols. 4to. To which is prefixed The Life of the Author. New Edition. Gordon.

2. History of the Royal Society. By THOMAS BIRCH, M. A., F. R. S

3. Funeral Sermon on the Death of Honorable Robert Boyle. By GILLERT BURNET, Bishop of Salisbury.

4. Histoire de la Chimie. Par M. FRED. HOEFER. Paris.

THOSE who have described Fame as most capricious have not exaggerated the short-sightedness and ingratitude of man in that respect. It seldom happens that those who do the most good get most credit for it, either from their contemporaries or from posterity. This is particularly true of those whose claims to distinction rest more on what they have discovered, or taught others to discover, than on their writings or other productions. The author of a great poem, system of philosophy, or work of art, need not doubt but justice will be done him sooner or later. Thus it is that no caprice or jealousy could exclude Homer, Aristotle, and Phidias from the highest rank in their respective spheres. But it would have been otherwise had they belonged to that class of thinkers who furnish ideas to others which they have not time to develop themselves, or for the appreciation of which the world is not yet prepared. When their suggestions have been acted upon-when the stately structures which they have planned, or whose foundations they have laid, have been built they are too apt to be forgotten themselves. Nor can it be expected that the architects who have carried out their plans will take pains to remind us that they are indebted to others for their most important ideas, especially if they make improvements in certain details, and correct certain errors from which the most accurate theories are not exempt. If we wish to turn our attention to any science or system of philosophy we naturally select those works on the subject which embrace the largest number of facts and the largest amount of information. And in proportion as we pursue this course we lose sight of the original discoverers and founders. There are many of the latter character, and one of the most illustrious is Robert Boyle, whose philosophical researches, discoveries, and life will form the subject of the present paper.

The history of the Boyle family affords one of the many proofs which may be adduced to show that instead of the English race degenerating by transplantation into Ireland it