immediately treat them as enemies. The pro- | that we have arrived at this degree of power vincial assembly of Pennsylvania remained in- and of greatness. flexible. At length the inhabitants of Pennsylvania formed a convention, in which the debates and disputes upon the question of independence were many and vehement.

SPEECH OF JOHN DICKINSON OF PENN-
SYLVANIA, FAVORING A CONDITION OF
UNION WITH ENGLAND, DELIVERED
JULY 1, 1776.

JOHN DICKINSON, one of the deputies of the province to the general congress, a man of prompt genius, of extensive influence, and one of the most zealous partisans of American liberty, restricted however to the condition of union with England, harangued, it is said, in the following manner against independence :

"What then is the object of these chimeras, hatched in the days of discord and war? Shall the transports of fury have more power over us than the experience of ages? Shall we destroy, in a moment of anger, the work cemented and tested by time?

"I know the name of liberty is dear to each one of us; but have we not enjoyed liberty even under the English monarchy? Shall we this day renounce that to go and seek it in I know not what form of republic, which will soon change into a licentious anarchy and popular tyranny? In the human body the bers, directing them, with admirable harmony, head only sustains and governs all the memto the same object, which is self-preservation and happiness; so the head of the body politic, that is the king, in concert with the parliament, can alone maintain the union of the members of this empire, lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obviating all the evils

of interests. And so firm is my persuasion of this, that I fully believe the most cruel war which Great Britain could make upon us, would be that of not making any; and that the surest means of bringing us back to her obedience, would be that of employing none. For the dread of the English arms once removed, provinces would rise up against provinces, and cities against cities; and we shall be seen to turn against ourselves the arms we have taken up to combat the common enemy.

66

"It too often happens, fellow citizens, that men, heated by the spirit of party, give more importance in their discourses, to the surface and appearance of objects, than either to rea-produced by variety of opinions and diversity son or justice; thus evincing, that their aim is not to appease tumults, but to excite them; not to repress the passions, but to inflame them, not to compose ferocious discords, but to exasperate and imbitter them more and more. They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify their own ambition, to flatter the caprices of the multitude, in order to captivate their favor. Accordingly in popular commotions, the party of wisdom and of equity is commonly found in the minority; and, perhaps, it would be safer, in difficult circumstances, to consult the smaller instead of the greater number. Upon this principle I invite Upon this principle I invite the attention of those who hear me, since my opinion may differ from that of the majority; but I dare believe it will be shared by all impartial and moderate citizens, who condemn this tumultuous proceeding, this attempt to coerce our opinions, and to drag us, with so much precipitation to the most serious and important of decisions. But, coming to the subject in controversy, I affirm, that prudent men do not abandon objects which are certain, to go in pursuit of those which offer only uncer-limits and distant jurisdictions, have we not tainty. Now, it is an established fact, that America can be well and happily governed by the Engushaws, under the same king and the same parliament. Two hundred years of happiness furnish the proof of it; and we find it also in the present prosperity, which is the result of these venerable laws and of this ancient union. It is not as independent, but as subjects; not as republic, but as monarchy,

Insurmountable necessity would then compel us to resort to the tutelary authority which we should have rashly abjured, and if it consented to receive us again under its ægis, it would be no longer as free citizens, but as slaves. Still inexperienced, and in our infancy, what proof have we given of our ability to walk without a guide? none, and, if we judge the future by the past, we must conclude that our concord will continue as long as the danger, and no longer.

"Even when the powerful hand of England supported us, for the paltry motives of territorial

abandoned ourselves to discords, and sometimes even to violence? And what must we not expect, now that minds are heated, ambitions roused, and arms in the hands of all?

"If, therefore, our union with England offers us so many advantages for the maintenance of internal peace, it is no less necessary to procure us, with foreign powers, that condescension and respect which is so essential to the

prosperity of our commerce, to the enjoyment | If I should deny, that, for the last twelve years, of any consideration, and to the accomplish- the English government has given the most ment of any enterprise. Hitherto, in our inter- fatal direction to the affairs of the colonies, and course with the different nations of the world, that its measures towards us savor of tyranny, England has lent us the support of her name I should deny not only what is the manifest and of her arms: we have presented ourselves truth, but even what I have so often advanced in all the ports and in all the cities of the globe, and supported. But is there any doubt that it not as Americans, a people scarcely heard of, already feels a secret repentance? These but as English; under shadow of this respect- arms, these soldiers, it prepares against us, are ed name, every port was open to us, every not designed to establish tyranny upon our way was smooth, every demand was heard shores, but to vanquish our obstinacy, and to with favor. From the moment when our compel us to subscribe to conditions of accomseparation shall take place, everything will modation. In vain is it asserted that the minassume a contrary direction. The nations will istry will employ all means to make themselves accustom themselves to look upon us with dis- quite sure of us, in order to exercise upon us. dain; even the pirates of Africa and Europe with impunity, all the rigor of their power: will fall upon our vessels, will massacre our for to pretend to reduce us to an absolute imseamen, or lead them into a cruel and perpetual possibility of resistance, in cases of oppression, slavery. would be, on their part, a chimerical project. The distance of the seat of government, the vast extent of intervening seas, the continual increase of our population, our warlike spirit, our experience in arms, the lakes, the rivers, the forests, the defiles which abound in our territory, are our pledges that England will always prefer to found her power upon moderation and liberty, rather than upon rigor and oppression. An uninterrupted succession of victories and of triumphs could alone constrain England to acknowledge American indepen dence; which, whether we can expect, whoever knows the instability of fortune can easily judge.

"There is in the human species, often so inexplicable in their affections, a manifest propensity to oppress the feeble as well as to flatter the powerful. Fear always carries it against reason, pride against moderation, and cruelty against clemency.

Independence, I am aware, has attractions for all mankind; but I maintain, that, in the present quarrel, the friends of independence are the promoters of slavery, and that those who desire to separate us, would but render us more dependent, if independence means the right of commanding, and not the necessity of obeying, and if being dependent is to obey, and not command. If, in rendering ourselves independent of England, supposing, however, that we should be able to effect it, we might be so, at the same time, of all other nations, I should applaud the project; but to change the condition of English subjects for that of slaves to the whole world, is a step that could only be counselled by insanity. If you would reduce yourselves to the necessity of obeying, in all things, the mandates of supercilious France, who is now kindling fire under our feet, declare yourselves independent. If, to British liberty, you prefer the liberty of Holland, of Venice, of Genoa, or of Ragusa, declare yourselves independent. But, if we would not change the signification of words, let us preserve and carefully maintain this dependence, which has been, down to this very hour, the principle and source of our prosperity, of our liberty, of our real independence.

"If we have combated successfully at Lexington and at Boston, Quebec and all Canada have witnessed our reverses. Every one sees the necessity of opposing the extraordinary pretensions of the ministers; but does every body see also that of fighting for independence?

"It is to be feared, that, by changing the object of the war, the present harmony will be interrupted, that the ardor of the people will be chilled by apprehensions for their new situation. By substituting a total dismemberment to the revocation of the laws we complain of. we should fully justify the ministers; we should merit the infamous name of rebels, and all the British nation would arm, with an unanimous impulse, against those who, from oppressed and complaining subjects, should have become all at once irreconcilable enemies. The English cherish the liberty we defend; they respect the dignity of our cause; but they will blame, they will detest, our recourse to independence, and will unite with one consent to combat us.

"The propagators of the new doctrine are

"But here I am interrupted, and told that no one questions the advantages which America derived at first from her conjunction with Eng-pleased to assure us, that, out of jealousy toland; but that the new pretensions of the ministers have changed all, have subverted all.

wards England, foreign sovereigns will lavish their succors upon us, as if these sovereigns

The discourse of Dickinson was heard with attention; but the current flowed irresistibly strong in a contrary direction, and fear acting upon many more powerfully even than their opinion, the majority pronounced in favor of independence. The deputies of Pennsylvania were accordingly authorized to return to congress, and to consent that the confederate colonies should declare themselves free and independent states.

could sincerely applaud rebellion; as if they and sober citizens; prudence and moderation had not colonies, even here in America, in which found and preserve empires, temerity and preit is important for them to maintain obedi-sumption occasion their downfall." ence and tranquility. Let us suppose, however, that jealousy, ambition or vengeance, should triumph over the fear of insurrection; do you think these princes will not make you pay dear for the assistance with which they flatter you? Who has not learnt, to his cost, the perfidy and the cupidity of Europeans? They will disguise their avarice under pompous words; under the most benevolent pretexts they will despoil us of our territories, they will invade our fisheries and obstruct our navigation, they will attempt our liberty and our privileges. We shall learn too late what it costs to trust to those European flatteries, and to place that confidence in inveterate enemies which has been withdrawn from long tried friends.

"There are many persons who, to gain their ends, extol the advantages of a republic over monarchy. I will not here undertake to examine which of these two forms of government merits the preference. I know, however, that the English nation, after having tried them both, has never found repose except in monarchy. I know, also, that in popular republics themselves, so necessary is monarchy to cement human society, it has been requisite to institute monarchical powers, more or less extensive, under the names of archons, of consuls, of doges, of gonfaloniers, and finally of kings. Nor should I here omit an observation, the truth of which appears to me incontestible; the English constitution seems to be the fruit of the experience

DISCUSSION IN CONGRESS

FOR AND AGAINST RETALIATION ON PRIS-
ONERS OF WAR, 1776.

Fragment of a speech in the general congress
of America-1776. [Name of the speaker
unknown.]

Upon a motion to resolve, That all Scotch prisoners be treated with the utmost severity,

as the rancorous abettors of this inhuman war,

which has originated in Scotch principles, and

from Scotch councils :'

enforced it by a review of public transactions, The mover of this resolution prefaced and both respecting England and America, since the commencement of the present reign. He showed these had been a series of violent grievances, followed by ineffectual complaints and petitions for redress. He enumerated the multitude of addresses from every part of Scotland for the blood of the Americans. He sta

of all anterior time; in which monarchy is so tempered, that the monarch finds himself checked in his efforts to seize absolute power; and the authority of the people is so regulated, that anarchy is not to be feared. But for us itted the general zeal and alacrity of that people is to be apprehended, that when the counterpoise of monarchy shall no longer exist, the democratic power may carry all before it, and involve the whole state in confusion and ruin. Then an ambitious citizen may arise, seize the reins of power, and annihilate liberty forever: for such is the ordinary career of ill-balanced democracies, they fall into anarchy, and thence under despotism.

'Such are the opinions which might have been offered you with more eloquence, but assuredly not with more zeal or sincerity. May heaven grant that such sinister forebodings be not one day accomplished! May it not permit that, in this solemn concourse of the friends of country, the impassioned language of presumptuous and ardent men should have more influence than the pacific exhortations of good

in and out of parliament, and in Great Britain and America, for the destruction and subjuga-、 tion of the colonies. He reminded them of the treachery and uncontrolable enmity of the Scotch against them, recently experienced in the provinces of New York, Virginia, and the Carolinas; where, in direct violation of every principle of gratitude, and of their faith expressly pledged, they had joined the enemy, and openly attempted by taking up arms to destroy the liberties of those who had generously guaranteed theirs.

To this, a southern delegate replied, after some general observations, nearly in the following words :

It is impossible, sir, not to feel the justice of the honorable mover's zeal and resentment. The facts upon which they are founded, un

RESOLUTIONS

PASSED BY CONGRESS, OCTOBER 21, 1778,
URGING THE PEOPLE TO RETALIATION,
AND COPY AFTER THEIR “ENEMIES, THEIR
GERMAN, NEGRO, AND COPPER-COLORED
ALLIES."

happily for humanity, are not to be denied. I| Publii Lentuli et cæterorum scelus, quam vestra myself stand here as one of the representatives dignitas; neu magis iræ quam famæ consulatis, of the colony, which has experienced every The motion was immediately rejected. effort of Scotch violence, perfidy, and ingratitude. They petitioned to be protected in a neutrality during these unhappy commotions. They pledged their faith, in the most solemn manner, that they would not aid or inform those who might appear in arms against us. Upon these terms, neutrality was indulged; protection was given them. They enjoyed it till our enemies appeared, and instantly took up arms for our destruction. That Providence, in whom the justice of our cause inspires confidence, enabled us to defeat their purposes. They remained, in consequence, at our mercy; yet we exercised no greater act of severity, than that which was unavoidable, the obliging them to quit a colony, to which it was plain they were irreclaimably hostile.

In the other colonies, they have manifested a similarly unprincipled enmity and rancor against the lives and liberties of a people, who, in a peculiar manner, have been profitable to them, and to their country. As they have thus distinguished themselves for ingratitude and hostility to us, they seem to merit a severity of treatment as distinguished.

But, sir, let us remember, that we are engaged in a general war. Not a war with Scotland, but with Great Britain. To general objects, general rules are applicable. Such a selection for severity, would savor more of the vengeance of individuals, than of public justice. We are contending in the noblest cause that can enlarge and exalt the human heart. Let the magnanimity of our conduct be proportioned to the nobleness of our pursuits. We are now forming a national character. Spite of the misrepresentations of our enemies, the truth will at length prevail. Like the glorious sun, it will be more splendid from the cloud that has obscured it. Let us then take care that, when it does come forth, it may be the wonder of nations. Let us mould it; not on the demerits of our enemies, but on our own dignity. Let generosity, justice, and humanity, be the illustrious characteristics of the states of America.

STRONG MEASURES PROPOSED.

In congress, Oct. 21, 1778.—" Whereas, there is every reason to expect that our unnatural enemies, despairing of being ever able to subdue and enslave us by open force, or persuade us to break through the solemn treaties, as having entered into with our great and good ally, his most Christian majesty, and return to the dependence of Great Britain, will, as the last effort, ravage, burn, and destroy every city and town on this continent they can come at:

Resolved, That it be recommended to such inhabitants of these states, as live in places exposed to the ravages of the enemy, immediately to build huts, at least thirty miles distant from their present habitations, there to convey their women, children, and others not capable of bearing arms, and themselves in case of necessity, together with their furniture, wares, and merchandise of every sort; also, that they send off all their cattle; being measures they cannot think hardships in such times of public calamity, when so many of their gallant countrymen are daily exposed in the hardships of the field, fighting in defence of their rights and liberties.

Resolved, That, immediately, when the enemy begin to burn or destroy any town, it be recommended to the good people of these states to set fire to, ravage, burn, and destroy, the houses and properties of all tories, and enemies to the freedom and independence of America, and secure the persons of such, so as to prevent them from assisting the enemy, always taking care not to treat them or their families with any wanton cruelties, as we do He ended with these lines from Cæsar's not wish, in this particular, to copy after our speech in Sallust: enemies, or their Germen, negro, and coppercolored allies.

Item bellis punicis omnibus, cum sæpe Carthaginensis et in pace, et per inducias, multa nefaria facinora fecissent, numquam majores nostri, per occasionem talia fecere; magis quid se dignem foret, quamquid in illis jure fieri posset quærebant. Hoc idem providendum est, patres conscripti, ne plus valeat apud vos,

Extract from the minutes.

CHARLES THOMSON, Sec."