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100

10 0 0

Japanned or lackered ware, per 1007. 10
Lace, viz., thread, per 100l.

Lace, cushion or pillow lace, per 1002.
value,

Lead, manuf. of, per 1007. value,
Leather, manufactures of,

women's boots, and calashes,

000

per dozen,
do. if lined or trim. per doz. 0 7 6
with cork or double soles, per
dozen pairs,

050

0

men's boots, per dozen pairs, 0 14
men's shoes, per dozen pairs, 0 7
boys' boots and shoes, not ex-

ceeding 7 inches in length, two-
thirds of the above duties.

boot fronts, not exceeding 9

inches in height, per dozen,

boot fronts, exceeding do.
cut into shapes, or any article

made of leather, per 1007. Linen, or linen and cotton, viz.,

cambrics and lawns,commonly called French lawns, the piece not exceeding eight yards in length and seven-eights in breadth, plain, the piece,

lawns of any sort, not French, per 100/. value,

damask, the square yard,

damask diaper,

sails not in actual use of a Br.

ship, per 100l. value,

articles, manufactures of li

nen, or of linen mixed with cotton or with wool, wholly or in part made up, not particularly euumerated or otherwise charged with duty, for every 100l. value,

019

029

10 0 0

090

or, at the option of the off. of

the customs, for every 100l. value, 15 0 0 Silk, gauze or crape, plain, striped, figured or brocaded, viz.,

broad stuffs, the lb.

articles thereof, not otherwise

enumerated,

0 10 0

or at the option of the off. of the customs, for every 1007. value, 15 0 0 Skins, articles manufactured,for eve

ry 1001.

of and from a Br. pos. cwt.
Naples, the cwt.

Spa ware, for every 1001. value,
Spirits, or strong waters of all sorts,
viz., for every gall. of such spirits, 0 15 0
Starch, the cwt.
050
of and from a Br. pos. the cwt. 0 2 6
from and after the 1st of Feb-

ruary, 1849, the cwt.

010

gum of, torrefied or calcined, commonly called Br. gum, the cwt. 0 5 0 of and fr. a Br. pos.the cwt. 026 British Gum, from and after the 1st of February, 1849, the cwt. Steel, manufactures of, for every 1001. value

0 26 Tallow, the cwt.

010

10 0 0

016

of and from a Br. possession,

10 0 0

05

the cwt. Tapioca, the cwt.

001

006

0

0 2

Tin, manufactures of, for every 1001.

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Woollens, articles or manufactures of wool not being goats' wool, or of wool mixed with cotton, wholly or in part made up, not otherwise charged with duty, for every 1001. value

l. s. d.

10 0 0

500

of and from a Br. possession, for every 100. value Goods, wares and merchandise, being either in part or wholly manufactured, and not being enumerated or described, not otherwise charged with duty, and not prohibited to be imported into or used in Great Britain or Ireland, for every 1001. value, 10 0 0 The "Act to amend the laws relating to the importation of corn" contains six sections, of which the following is the substance:

1. It is enacted that after the date of the act, until after the 1st day of February, 1849, the duties levied upon imported grain shall be those set forth in the schedule copied below. On or after the 1st of February, 1849,

the following duties will be levied:

Upon all wheat, barley, bear or bigg, oats, rye, peas and beans, for every qr. 1s.; and so in proportion for a less quantity.

Upon all wheatmeal and flour, barleymeal, oatmeal, ryemeal and flour, peameal and beanmeal, for every cwt. 44d.; and so in proportion for a less quantity.

2 and 3. The duties are to be levied, collected and applied in accordance with existing acts.

4. The average prices are to be ascertained at the time and in the manner pointed out in existing acts.

5. Repeals former acts which prohibit the importation of corn.

6. This act may be amended by Parlia

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22s and upwards

1s 6d

Barleymeal, for every 217 lbs. the duty to be equal to that payable on one quarter barley.

Ryemeal and flour, for every 196 lbs. the duty to be equal to that payable on five-eighths of a quarter of barley.

Peameal and beanmeal, for every 272 lbs. the duty to be equal to that payable on one quarter barley.

Oatmeal, for every 181 lbs., the duty to be equal to that payable on one quarter barley. If the produce of or imported from any Br. possession out of Europe:

Wheat, barley, bear or bigg, oats, rye, peas and beans, the duty shall be for every quarter, Is.

peameal and beanmeal, the duty shall be for Wheatmeal, barleymeal, oatmeal, ryemeal, every cwt. 43d.

On and after the 1st of February, 1849, the duties hereafter named shall be paid, viz: Upon all wheat, barley, bear or bigg, oats, rye, peas, beans, for every quarter, 1s.

Upon all wheatmeal and flour, barleymeal, oatmeal, ryemeal and flour, peameal and beanmeal, for every cwt. 44d., and so in proportion for a less quantity."

The change is very great. The first effect of the repeal of the Corn Law was the admission of a very large amount of foreign wheat and flour, then in bond. This large quantity, amounting to two million quarters of wheat, and 750,000 bbls. of flour, was at once thrown upon the market in order to secure the low duty upon the average prices of wheat then existing-for it will be perceived that until February, 1849, a sliding scale of duties is kept up-the duties rising as the average price of grain falls.

The unavoidable consequence of such a supply suddenly thrown upon the market was a decline in prices. The highest quotations for the best western flour were 26s. 8d. down to 24s. for southern; wheat 7s. 3d. to 8s. per bushel of 70 lbs., in both cases duty paid. The duty on wheat was about 6d. or 11 cents per bushel, on flour 2s. 4d. or 52 cents per bbl.

The prospects for the harvest in Great Britain are represented by the latest letter, up to 7th of July, as most flattering; and it was confidently believed, that with the foreign supply on hand and in bond, or to be going forward, and the domestic stock still held back by the farmers, there would be ample provision until the products of the harvest should come in.

We have all along expressed the opin

ion, which we see no reason to modify, that this essential change in the corn laws of England, will have little permanent effect here. We are too distant, and the prices of grain on our seaboard are, on the average, too high, as compared with those on the seaboard of the grain-growing regions of Europe, to enable us to take advantage of any failure in the crops of England, and it will only be in periods of short crops that we shall have any chance at all. This is meant to apply to wheat and flour. As to Indian corn, of which the crop with us is so large and the quality so much superior to that grown elsewhere, the case may be different; but even in regard to that, we have to meet and overcome the want of use, and the prejudices against the use of Indian corn in Great Britain. This is a very difficult, and very doubtful process, even when Famine is at hand, as the Instructor-much more difficult will it be, when the crops yield their ordinary supply.

But if we cannot expect to send forward any very large quantities of Indian corn, in bulk-always a costly operation-we may, it is thought, do a good deal with it in what we have heard quaintly described as its manufactured statein fatted pork and beef: these products are, under the new British Tariff, admitted free; and in this form it is probable that we shall be able most advantageously to ship a part of our immense growth of Indian corn. Beef and pork, fatted with corn, well salted, and cut and otherwise prepared to suit the customs and the tastes of the English market, may, it is believed, become to a very consider. able extent, a regular and profitable article of exportation to Great Britain.

The keenness of individual adventure will doubtless discover other modes and other articles, in which, under the lower duties in England, our agriculture may be benefited. And certainly it will need all the aid it may derive from the legislation of foreign countries-for that of our own seems intent upon striking it down. We entertain the undoubting conviction, that agriculture at least as much as the manufacturer-is dependent for its prosperity upon a protective Tariff, which, by creating markets on the spot where the produce is raised, both stimulates and rewards the labor of the husbandman.

If then, as is to be greatly feared, the bill now pending in the Senate of the United States, after having been passed

by the House of Representatives, for repealing the existing Tariff, should become a law-we shall deplore it, as an evil which every branch and pursuit of home labor will stagger under, but which will affect most seriously and permanently the farmer.

Possibly the low prices occasioned by diminished consumption, and increased production at home, by reason of the numberless new hands thrown upon the cultivation of the earth by the failure of other employments, may furnish opportunity and temptation to try the market of England, under her new laws; but even if that succeed, the producer will benefit little thereby, the profit, if any, going into the pockets of the shipper.

In financial affairs, the government is proceeding at cross-purposes. A SubTreasury bill, which has passed the House, and is, if party drill can effect it, to be pushed through the Senate, enacts that gold and silver only are and henceforth shall be the currency-not of the country, for that Congress cannot control-but of the government! But the wants of the Administration, arising from the costly and wasteful war with Mexico, have imposed upon them the necessity of having recourse to Treasury notes, and the law of the land now authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to issue and reissue, so as to keep out constantly, if he can, Ten million dollars of Treasury notes, the very opposite of gold and silver, since they are only promises to pay, unsupported by the specific pledge of any period to redeem them, and resting entirely upon the faith of the government. These notes, upon the face of them, are made receivable in all debts, or duties, or payments of any sort to the government— in terms, therefore, violating that provision of the Sub-Treasury bill which forbids the government either to pay or to receive aught but coin. And yet the passage of the Sub-Treasury bill is still asked for.

In other respects the money market is tranquil though tight. The Commerce of Exchange in Europe tends rather to favor the importation, than the exportation of specie, and but for the anxiety occasioned by the apprehension of large importations of European fabrics under the low duties of the new Tariff-if, as is expected, it becomes a law-the money market will soon become easy and steady.

But this alternative, under the Tariff, seems unavoidable, either that it will

leave the Governmant without revenue, or that in producing the requisite revenue, it will bankrupt the banks-the process is obvious. Owing to the great reduction of duties, the revenue calculated upon of some twenty-eight million of dollars, can only be levied upon a large increase, over those of each of the last preceding years, of the foreign importations. But as it is, and with the importations of the last year, and the two preceding years, Exchange upon Europe has been rather against us-thus showing that we are importing to the full as much as we can pay for. If then to the amount be added, as in order to raise the revenue required must be the case, over forty millions, it is obvious that the balance against us will be enormously increased, and can only be paid in specie.

The exportation, however, of that sum, or anything approaching that sum in specie, would cause such a panic among

the banks as would first break their dealers, and then break the banks themselves.

The alternative, therefore, is as above stated, the bankruptcy of the Treasury, or of the Banks, and in either case suffering and distress among all classes, and especially among those whose comfort and labor are always least cared for, when general popularity leads to a general demand for labor, and consequently high wages.

We can hardly expect, before this number goes to press, to know certainly the fate of Mr. McKay's bill in the Senate; but our fears are for the worst.

The concurring testimony, from all parts of our country, is in favor of a most abundant harvest. In many States, indeed, it is already gathered in, and although with partial injury here and there from rust, or the insect, the aggregate will exceed that of any former harvest.

FOREIGN MISCELLANY.

THE European intelligence of the last month, is both interesting and important. The most prominent event which it records, is the consummation of the new commercial policy of Sir Robert Peel: and the next is the dissolution of the Ministry by which this great change has been effected. The new Corn and Custom Bills had their third reading and final passage in the House of Lords on the night of June 25th; and upon the same night the House of Commons, by a majority of 73, rejected the bill which the Ministry had brought forward, for the preservation of life and the repression of outrage in Ireland. On the Saturday following, the Premier tendered his resignation in person to the sovereign. It was accepted, and Lord John Russell was summoned to take upon himself the formation of a new Cabinet, in which, it is understood, Lord Palmerston will have charge of the Foreign Department, and Earl Grey the Secretaryship of the Colonies.

The close of Sir Robert Peel's administration, witnessed a personal controversy which is worthy of remark, as much for the disgrace it reflects upon the principal actor as for the interest of the question which was involved. Mr. d'Israeli unites the characters of author and politician. In literature, his ambition is worthy and honorable, and his success has been considerable. In Parliament, he seems to have limited his efforts entirely to the gratifica

tion of a personal hatred towards Sir Robert Peel. His parliamentary efforts thus far have been confined to assaults, of the most bitter and vindictive character, upon the character, personal and political, of that distinguished statesman. On the eve ning of June 15th, he repeated, with specifications, the charge which he had often before with less distinctness brought forward, that Sir Robert had very dishonestly changed his opinions upon the subject of Catholic Emancipation. In 1827, Sir Robert abandoned Mr. Canning, because the latter was in favor of Emancipation, to which the former professed to be opposed :-Mr. d'Israeli's charge is that Sir Robert was actually himself in favor of it and had been since 1825, but that he concealed this fact and pretended to be opposed to it, in order to advance his political fortunes. The allegation was a serious one, and it was supported by plausible evidence. Mr. d'Israeli first brought forward an extract from a speech made by Sir Robert in 1829, in which he said that, in 1825, he "stated to the Earl of Liverpool, who was then at the head of the Administration, that in consequence of the decision against him by the voices of the representatives of that country, the time was come when something respecting the Catholics, ought, in his opinion, to be done, or that he should be relieved from the duties of the office he held, as it was his anxious desire to be." This passage he read from

correspondence with that statesman to any gentleman who might wish to examine it. His reply was in every respect conclusive and triumphant, and was so regarded by every one who heard it. The press generally is justly severe upon Mr. d'Israeli, not only for the grossness and wanton falsehood of his charges, but for the disgrace which the indulgence of his personal malignity has brought upon the House of Commons. In this respect, however, it is clear the House has the power to check and prevent him; and indeed it is only by the favor and indulgence of that body that he has been enabled so thoroughly to disgrace its deliberations.

a report of the speech made in the Mirror of Parliament. In Hausard, where the report was published with the permission of Sir Robert himself, the words in Italics were omitted. To prove that the Mirror's report was correct, Mr. d'Israeli said he had found, upon careful inquiry, that it was made by Mr. Barrow, one of the first short hand writers in the country:-that the Mirror employed reporters unconnected with the daily press:-that its reports were very carefully prepared: and finally, that the accuracy of this report was put beyond question by the fact that the report in the Times, made by independent reporters, confirmed it in every respect, Mr. d'Israeli did not hesitate, therefore, to charge Sir Robert Peel, not only with having made the admission quoted, but with the further crime of having suppressed the passage in the revision of his speech which he made for Hausard. He further quoted an assertion from an article in the Edinburgh Review, that at the very time when Sir Robert left Mr. Canning, professedly because he was himself opposed to Mr. Canning's Catholic policy, he had in his desk a letter in which two years before he had told Lord Liverpool he was in favor of that policy. Mr. d'Israeli dwelt upon these details at length and with force, and claimed a great deal of credit for having "put in its true and intelligible light that mysterious passage which had so long perplexed the politicians of Europe." His speech was well calculated to produce an effect unfavorable to the retiring minister. But in his reply, Sir Robert repelled, most triumphantly, the entire allegation, not only in its general purport but in each and every one of its details. As to the expression quoted from his speech in 1829, he said he should resort to no equivocal interpretation of the words :-he positively denied that he had ever used them. He denied that the report of the Mirror was made by Mr. Barrow :-he denied that the report of the Times was an independent report, and therefore corroborative of the Mirror's accuracy, and said that the latter was made up from the former :-and he then brought forward the reports of that speech made by four other morning papers, each of which was actually independent of the other, and all of which agreed in omitting the words imputed to him in the report of the Times which was copied into the Mirror. He further quoted a paragraph from the Times' reporter, stating that his speech was indistinctly heard where he was stationed. As to the assertion of the Edinburgh Review, adopted by Mr. d'Israeli, he denied that he had ever written any such letter to Lord Liv erpool; challenged its production; read all the letters from Lord L. in his possession relating to the subject, and avowed his entire willingness to submit his whole

Sir Robert Peel's explanation of the causes of his retirement from office, and in review of his administration, was an able, dignified, and in every way admirable address. If he had failed in carrying into effect the commercial measures which he had brought forward, he said he should have felt justified in advising a dissolution of Parliament, in order to obtain a constitutional expression of opinion by the people of the country. The evils which the country sustained by the existing condition of things, would, in his opinion, have warranted such an appeal. In regard to the Irish question, upon which the Ministry had been defeated, he did not think a dissolution advisable. He wished it distinctly understood that his opinions upon the Catholic question were the same as those upon which he had acted at the last session of Parliament, and said that in his judgment there ought to be established between England and Ireland a complete equality in all civil, municipal, and political rights-an identity of spirit in the legislation of the two countries. He presumed that the new administration would continue those principles of commercial policy which would give them a freer commercial intercourse with other countries, and promised, in that case, his cordial support. During the five years for which power had been committed to his hands, he trusted that neither the honor nor the interest of the country had been compromised.

The burden of taxation, he thought, had been equalized; many restrictions upon commerce had been removed; stability had been given to the monetary system of the country; the stability of the British Indian Empire had not been weakened; the honor and glory of the British arms, both by sea and land, in every part of the world, have been maintained; reductions have been made in the public burden, and yet the national defences have been improved; the finances were in a prosperous and buoyant state; there had been more of contentment, less of seditious crimes, less necessity for the exercise of power for the repression of political outrage than there ever was at any antecedent period in the

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