VERY narrow and imperfect is the common notion about novels, that they are fictitious narratives written to amuse. So far is this from being the case that we are persuaded no successful novelist ever wrote, or, at least, continued to write, without some ulterior aim-the advocacy of some principle or sentiment. A man of vivid imagination is generally, if indeed we must not say necessarily,) also, a man of strong personal feelings and partisan tendencies; and when he finds himself in the position of a moral agent can he help making his fiction the vehicle of truth, or what he conceives to be truth? To uphold certain schools of art, literature or politics; to further social reforms; to discourage prejudices, and expose abuses; to make one nation better known to, and therefore, better appreciated by, another; to influence popular opinion, and even modify national habits of thought-these are some of the novelist's aims-not merely as some suppose in their short-sightedness, to help boarding-school misses and silly boys to kill time, Great, indeed, is his power for evil; but mighty is it likewise for good, nor is he always, thank God, a servant of Darkness. If D'Israeli perverts his dexterous humor to the gratification of private pique, and the resuscitation of defunct fallacies, Miss Martineau inculcates lessons of charity and long-suffering that are better than many sermons. If the French Romancers do their best to create a hell upon earth, by way of compensation for their disbelief in one hereafter, our own great novelist presents that spectacle which has ever been the philosopher's admiration-an individual who dares to tell the truth to a tyrant.

When " Satanstoe," the first of the Littlepage Manuscripts, appeared, it excited in us feelings of unmitigated pleasure and lively expectation. The Chainbearer" did not alloy that pleasure, or disappoint that expectation. We were glad to see our distinguished countryman applying his talents and energies to the exposure and censure of that evil condition of things which is at once the danger and the disgrace of our State. We were glad that he had written a novel on the subject, not a pamphlet, or an essay, or a disquisition; for men will read

novels who will not read pamphlets and disquisitions and essays. We were glad (for the first times in our lives) that he was a "Democrat," for many men will listen to a Democrat who would not think of hearing a "British Whig." Above all we were glad to find throughout these books abundant signs that their author aims at being a Christian as well as a gentleman-to meet with abundant recognitions of the Highest Authorityexpressed indeed, at times, with that disagreeable dogmatism which seems as if by some fatality to attend on all Mr. Cooper's opinions-but unmistakably genuine, and as such heartily refreshing in a time of infidel litterateurs, and infidel legislators.

"The Redskins; or Indian and Ingin" completes his proposed task. "This book," we quote from the preface, "closes the series of the Littlepage Manuscripts which have been given to the world as containing a fair account of the comparative sacrifices of time, money and labor made respectively by the landlord and the tenants on a New York estate, together with the manner in which usages and opinions are changing among us; as well as certain of the causes of these changes." The present illustration of these developments involves none of those thrilling incidents for which Mr. Cooper is so famous. His story is entirely subordinated to his moral. The narrative contains few, or, to speak plainly, no points of particular interest. A young man and his bachelor uncle, both large landed proprietors, return from their travels in Europe to find their tenants in arms, and their own homes in actual danger. Disguised as German pedlers they visit the seat of war, are present at an anti-rent meeting, and observe the actions and motives of sundry parties concerned in the movement. Discovering themselves in a moment of excitement they are fairly besieged, and the rioters endeavor to make their house literally "too hot to hold them." But the arrival of some real Indians (on a visit to an old chief, a friend of the family) enables them to repel the "armed and disguised," or pretended "Ingins" till the sheriff comes to the rescue. Of course there is a heroine who is neither

more nor less interesting than the author's heroines generally are, and a wedding to wind up with according to rule established. In all this, save the introduction of the Indians proper, (a very felicitous conception, and very neatly worked out,) there is nothing more than might happen to any landholder in the disturbed districts; not so much as has happened to some of them. In short, "the Redskins" is simply a vigorous exposure of AntiRentism. And it is also evident to us that the book was written for the masses, that it was designed to enlighten popular views, and expose popular fallacies. This we infer from the sedulous repetition of its chief points, and the labor expended in asserting and proving such positions as these: That it is possible for the poor to tyrannize over the rich as well as the rich over the poor; that exclusiveness on the part of an individual is no infringement of his neighbor's rights; that money does not make the gentleman, or guide the gentleman in the choice of his friends-positions which to a gentleman are simple axioms,

ἐς δὲ τοπὰν

ἑρμηνέων χατίζει.

The work exhibits throughout much of one of the last qualities many of our readers might be disposed to give Mr. Cooper credit for-strong common sense. No judge's charge could state the points at issue more clearly and forcibly. And pari passu with this common sense runs that common honesty which has of late grown very uncommon among us. An utter fearlessness of popular prejudices, and that mighty bug-bear, "public opinion," characterizes the book. To be sure, as it is our unfortunate tendency to run into extremes, the author sometimes says annoying things which are merely annoying, and can do no good. For example, he is continually dwelling on the provincialism of our city. Now here we happen to differ from him, and after our own limited experience of foreign cities, are convinced that in all the essentials and attributes of a metropolis New York may hold up its head with any of the second-class European capitals Naples for instance. But sup pose it otherwise-let New York and New Yorkers be as provincial as the novelist asserts, what good is there in his saying so? Nay, let them be as convinced of it as he is, what good would there be in their feeling so? Our own

impulse would be rather to magnify and exaggerate the beauties of New York in the hope of exciting her citizens to greater zeal for the honor of the Empire State, and greater vigilance against the danger which threatens so fair a domain. Again, we find most unnecessary offensiveness of language in every expression relative to New England. Thus, Puritanism is described in these conciliatory terms which might move the envy of D'Israeli himself:

"The rowdy religion, half cant half blasphemy, that Cromwell and his associates entailed on so many Englishmen, but which was not without a degree of ferocious, narrow-minded sincerity about it

after all."

What would Thomas Carlyle say to this?

But whatever blame we might otherwise be disposed to bestow on Mr. C for his worse than useless violence on some minor matters vanishes before our admiration of the unflinching resoluteness with which he has achieved his great task-that of telling his countrymen the truth on subjects of vital importance, respecting which most erroneous ideas are prevalent.

The main points affirmed, illustrated and conclusively proved in "The Redskins" are these:

1. That the alleged grievances of the tenants are utterly false and frivolous.

2. That the aim and object of the Anti-Renters is simply and absolutely to get other men's property without paying for it.

3. That the landlords' rights have been disregarded because they are rich men ; and the rich being a minority, may, in this country of majorities, be tyrannized over with impunity.

4. That the present movement is only the first step to a general war upon property.

5. That there is still honesty enough in the community to put down anti-rentism at any moment, if the honest men will only exert themselves properly.

Of course, we shall not be understood that these topics are treated of in regular order, or that they are the only ones introduced; but the readers of The RedSkins" (and may their name be legion !) will agree in the justice of the above analysis.

How all this has been done we shall endeavor partially to show, by extracts

of his landlord, as his landlord can be of him, with the exception that he has rent to pay. In the latter case, he is precisely like any other debtor-like the poor man who contracts debts with the same storekeeper for a series of years. As for the possession of the farm, which we are to suppose is a desirable thing for the tenant, he of the long lease is clearly most independent, since the other may be ejected at the end of each five years. Nor is there the least difference as to acquiring the property in fee, since the landlord may sell equally in either case, if so disposed; and if NOT

DISPOSED, NO HONEST MAN, UNDER ANY SYSTEM, OUGHT TO DO ANYTHING TO COM

PEL HIM SO TO DO, either directly or indirectly; AND NO TRULY HONEST MAN WOULD."

RESERVATION OF WOODLANDS.

"This wood, exceeding a thousand acres in extent, stretched down from the hills along some broken and otherwise little valuable land, and had been reserved from the axe to meet the wants of some future day. It was mine, therefore, in the fullest sense of the word; and singular as it may seem, one of the grounds of accusation brought against me and my predecessors was that we had declined leasing it! Thus, on the one hand, we were abused for having leased our land, and, on the other, for not having leased it. The fact is, we, in common with other extensive landlords, are expected to use our property as much as possible for the particular benefit of other people, while those other people are expected to use their property as much as possible for their own particular benefit."

PLEA OF IGNORANCE. (Loquitur an English servant.)

"What is it you wants, I says to him? you can't all be landlords-somebody must be tenants; and if you didn't want to be tenants, how come you to be so ? Land is plenty in this country, and cheap too; and why didn't you buy your land at first, instead of coming to rent of Mr. Hugh; and now when you have rented, to be quarreling about the very thing you did of your own accord ?

"Dere you didst dell 'em a goot t'ing; and what might der 'Squire say to dat?'

"Oh! he was quite dumb-founded, at first; then he said that in old times, when people first rented these lands, they didn't know as much as they do now, or they never would have done it."

"Und you could answer dat; or vast it your durn to be dum-founded?'

I pitched it into him, as they says; I did. Says I, how's this, says I-you are for ever boasting how much you Americans VOL. IV. NO. III.

19

know-and how the people knows everything that ought to be done about politics and religion-and you proclaim far and near that your yeomen are the salt of the earthand yet you don't know how to bargain for your leases!'"

THE DEMAGOGUE THE COURTIER'S COUNTERPART.

English footman in John's logic and feeling, "Although there was a good deal of the there was also a good deal of truth in what he said. The part where he accused Newcome of holding one set of opinions in private, concerning his masters, and another in public, is true to the life. There is not, at this moment, within the wide reach of the American borders, one demagogue to be found who might not, with justice, be accused of precisely the same deception. There is not one demagogue in the whole country, who, if he lived in a monarchy, would not be the humblest advocate of men in power, ready to kneel at the feet of those who stood in the sovereign's presence."

"True to the life" indeed! It is old Aristotle over again. The Stagyrite has a passage worth referring to in this connection:

"Another form of Democracy is where all citizens are eligible to office, as in the former instance, but the multitude is supreme, instead of the law; and this is the case when the people's resolutions (rà Inpicuara) are valid, but the law is not. This is brought about by demagogues; for in republics administered according to Jaw, demagogue finds no place, since the best citizens have the preeminence; but demagogues spring up where the laws are not valid. For there the people becomes a monarch-one tyrant composed of many. Such a people, then, being virtually a king, seeks to play the king, as it is not controlled by law, and becomes despotic, so that flatterers are in repute; and this form among popular governments is analogous to tyranny among monarchies. Wherefore, also, their disposition is the same, and both are wont to tyrannize over the better class, and the resolutions of the one answer to the ukases (τὰ ἐπιτάγματα) of the other, and the demagogue and courtier are equivalent, and each other's counterpart."-POLITICS, Book 4, Chap. 4.

ONE LAW FOR THE RICH AND ANOTHER FOR THE POOR.

"There is a landlord in this State, a man of large means, who became liable for the debts of another to a considerable

amount. At the very moment when his rents could not be collected, owing to your interference and the remissness of those in authority to enforce the laws, the sheriff entered his honse, and sold its contents, in order to satisfy an execution against him! There is American aristocracy for you, and I am sorry to add American justice, as justice has got to be administered among us."

A POPULAR SYLLOGISM.

(From an Anti-Rent Lecture.) "Let the people but truly rule, and all must come well. The people have no temptation to do wrong. If they hurt the state they hurt themselves, for they are the state. Is a man likely to hurt himself? Equality is my axiom."

SLUMBERING OVER A VOLCANO.

"Look at the newspapers that will be put into your hands to-morrow morning, fresh from Wall and Pine and Ann streets. They will be in convulsions, if some unfortunate wight of a Senator speak of adding an extra corporal to a regiment of foot, as an alarming war-demonstration, or quote the fall of a fancy stock that has not one cent of intrinsic value, as if it betokened the downfall of a nation; while they doze over this volcano, which is raging and gathering strength beneath the whole community, menacing destruction to the nation itself, which is the father of stocks."

motives, its means and its end. The measure is discreditable to civilization, and an outrage on liberty."

A NUT FOR THE ADVOCATES OF CONCESSION.

"That profound principle of legislation, which concedes the right in order to maintain quiet, is admirably adapted to forming sinners; and, if carried out in favor of all who may happen to covet their neighbors' goods, would, in a short time render this community the very paradise of knaves."

A MAKE-BELIEVE GOVERNMENT
THAN NONE,

WORSE

Manytongues took charge of the watch, though he laughed at the probability of there being any farther disturbance that night.

As for the red-skins,' he said, they would as soon sleep out under the trees, at this season of the year, as sleep under a roof; and as for waking-cats a'nt their equals. No-no-Colonel; leave it all to me, and I'll carry you through the night as quietly as if we were on the prer-ies, and living under good wholesome prer-ie law.'

"As quietly as if we were on the prairies! We had then reached that pass in New York, that after one burning, a citizen might really hope to pass the remainder of his night as quietly as if he were on the prairies! And there was that frothy, lumbering, useless machine, called a gov ernment, at Albany, within fifty miles of vinced that this was the greatest people on us, as placid, as self-satisfied, as much conearth, and itself their illustrious represen

"We deem the first of these measures far more tyrannical than the attempt of Great Britain to tax her colonies, which brought about the Revolution. It is of the same general character-that of unjust taxation; while it is attended by circumstances of aggravation that were altogether wanting in the policy of the mother country. This is not a tax for revenue, which is not need. ed; but a tax to 'choke off' the landlords, to use a common American phrase. It is clearly taxing nothing, or it is taxing the same property twice. It is done to conciliate three or four thousand voters, who are now in the market, at the expense of three or four hundred who, it is known, are not to be bought. It is unjust in its

many gardens of Eden, before sin and transgression had become known to it! If it was doing anything in the premises, it was probably calculating the minimum the tenant should pay for the landlord's land, when the latter might be sufficiently worried to part with his estate. Perhaps it was illustrating its notions of liberty, by naming the precise sum that one citizen ought to accept, in order that the covetous longings of another should be satisfied!"

WHAT IT'S COMING TO.

"I agree with you, Hugh,' said my uncle, in reply to a remark of my own; there is little use in making ourselves unhappy about evils that we cannot help. If we are to be burnt up and stripped of our property, we shall be burnt up and stripped of our property. I have a competency secured in Europe, and we can all live on that, with economy, should the worst come to the worst.'

"It is a strauge thing, to hear an American talk of seeking a refuge of any sort in the old world!'