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M.

Mackintosh, Sir James, notice of his works,
432.

Marching Song of the "Teutonic Race," a
poem, (H. M. Goodwin,) 240.
Memoirs of the Administrations of Wash-
ington and John Adams, edited from the
papers of Oliver Wolcott, by George Gibbs,
reviewed, (by Charles King,) 614.
Metres, Short Chapters on Exotic and
Novel, (C. A. Bristed,) chapter first, Hex-
ameter and Pentameter, 482.
Merchant, the-Literature and Statistics of
Commerce, (G. H. Colton,) 459; Mr.
Winthrop's address before the Boston
Mercantile Association, 459, 460; com-
merce the true handmaid of civilization,
460; how the merchant should be educa-
ted, 460, 461; M'Culloch's Dictionary of
Commerce, 461; earlier compilations, 461,
462; Macgregor's Commercial Statistics,
462; Hunt's Merchant's Magazine-Com-
mercial Review, 463, 464.

Mexico, our Relations with, (Hon. D. D.
Barnard,) 1; position of the administra-
tration, 2; grand object of the executive,
3; conduct of Mexico towards us since
their Revolution of 1822, ib. ; action of the
American governinent, 1831, to provide
against a recurrence of Mexican injuries,
4; claims asserted against Mexico, ib;
growth of distrust in Mexico, ib.; Presi-
dent Jackson's Message to Congress, 1837,
authorizing reprisals, 5; message not act-
ed upon, ib.; special messenger to Mexi-
co sent by President Van Buren, ib.;
Mexican Envoy Extraordinary, 1838, ib. ;
convention between the two powers, 1839,
ib; joint commission appointed 1810-ter-
minated 1842, 6; disposition of Mexico at
that time,ib.; awards to American citizens
by the joint commission, ib.; amount due
to us from Mexico 1842, 7; subsequent
action of Mexico upon these claims, 7, 8;
effects of Annexation of Texas upon Mexi-
can government, 8; our minister returns,
ib; failure of Mexico to repair injuries
not defensible on that ground, 9; how the
War came to exist-an executive move-
ment for new territory, 10; no real occa-
sion for it-Mr. Thompson's mission in
Mexico, 11; aggression upon Mexico in
marching the army to the Nueces, 13; this
the true and just occasion of the War, 14;
President to be blamed, no one else, 15;
Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Slidell, 13*; at-
tempt by the President to induce General
Taylor to begin the war a year earlier.
Model of the City of New York, critical no-
tice of, 211

Monopolies, 639.

Moore, Poetical Works of, complete in one
volume, critical notice, 648
Morning, a poem, (J J. C.) 275.

N.

Napoleon and his Marshals, review of, J. T.
Headley's, second volume, (G. H. Colton,)
86; honors of the battle-field, 88; "Battle
of Dresden," 89; "Battle of Hohenlinden,'
91; the charge of inordinate selfishness
against Napoleon considered, 92; "Death
of Duroc," his friend, 93; "Marshal
Soult."

Notes by the Road, (by CAIUS,) No. II.—

how one lives in Paris, 377; No. III.-a
glimpse of the Appenines, 449; No. IV.,
487.

Novitiate, the; or a year among the English
Jesuits, critical notice of, 212.

Numa and Egeria, a classical ballad, (J. S.
Babcock,) 391.

0.

Oregon Treaty, the, (G. H. Colton,) 105;
news of its peaceful character received with
gratification by the three leading nations
of Christendom, ib; the point of honor es-
sential between nations as between indi-
viduals, ib.; England sincere in her claim
of territory, ib; the body of the people on
both sides impatient of any disturbance of
the peace of Christendom, 106; a few
Parisian journals disaffected-position and
interest of the nations in view of the war,
the principle of war not yet abandoned,
ib.; growth of the war feeling, 107; Sir
Robert Peel's opinion against unnecessary
war, 108; statement of the case-first oc-
cupation of the coast by Spain in 1513 and
forward-after occupation by England-
purchase of Louisiana from the French,
first created the probability of a claim-
discovery of the Columbia gave us a farther
claim-first proposition made by the Eng-
lish government, soon after the purchase
of Louisiana, ib.; a line agreed upon be-
tween United States and British posses-
sions, 109; Mr. Jefferson's objection-ne-
gotiations after the war-proposition of a
line of boundary by Messrs. Rush and
Gallatin in 1818-protracted discussion-
negotiations again opened in 1824, 110;
our government pressed for a settlement
in 1826, ib.; in 1827 the right was conceded
to both nations, with joint occupancy, 111;
in 1842 bill for grant of land in the territory
brought into the Senate, ib.; conduct of
the Administration, 112; conduct of the
Senate, 113; the treaty, 114-honorable to
the Whig Party.

P.

Painters, something about our, (R. G.
White,) 180.

Papers on Literature and Art, Review of Miss
Fuller's, 414.
Paris, letter from, 209.

Passages from the life of a Medical Eclectic.
No. III. 53; No. IV. 264.

Payn's Illustrated London, critical notice of,
212.

Picture from Memory's gallery, a poem, 160.
Pictorial History of England, notice of, 544.
Poetry.-Hearts we love, 15*; The Age, a

sonnet, 52; Rain, (by Rev. Ralph Hoyt,)
65; Emily, (H. W. Parker,) 117; Picture
from Memory's gallery, 160; Sonnet, 179;
Marching song of the "Teutonic Race."
(H. M. Goodwin,) 240; Morning, 275;
the Atheist world-builder, (Wm. Oland
Bourne,) 545; Who mourns wisely? 338;
Numa and Egeria, 391; A Song for the
times, 409; To the Night wind in Autumn,
(G. H. Colton,) 446; The Phantom Funeral,
(H. H. Clements,) 465; Julia Jay, (Rev.
Ralph Hoyt,) 610.

Poland, three Chapters on the History of,
Chapter third, character of the Poles, (Dr.
Wierzbicki,) 45; Polish patriotism, 45;

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Railway System in Europe, (Dr. Lardner,)
485; first projection of the Liverpool and
Manchester Railway, 486, 487; question of
locomotive or stationary engines, 486, 487;
success of first companies giving rise to
many new ones, 488; consequent evils, ib.;
railroads of Scotland and the continent,
489; question between narrow and wide
rails, ib.; rapidity of transit, 491; princi-
ple of speed, 493; expense of construction,
494; profits returned, 495.

RAIN, a poem, (Rev. Ralph Hoyt,) 65.
Roscoe's Life of Leo X., notice of, 324.
Rudimental lessons in music, J. F. War-
ner's, notice of, 541.

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Schlegel's Philosophy of History, critical no-
tice of, 542.

Senate Chamber, notice of Anthony Clark,
& Co's. engraved daguerreotype plate, 431.
Shores of the Mediterranean, with sketches
of travel, critical notice of, 212.
Sivori, Camillo, notice of, 647.
Smith, Cupid, adventures of, 339.
Song for the Times, a poem, 409.
Southey, Robert, poetical works of, critical
notice of, 540.

Stage, Leigh Hunt's remarks on the actors,
&c., 19.

T.

Talfourd and Stephen, review of their writ-
ings, (G. H. Hollister.) 388.
Tariff, copy of the New, 316.

Tariff of 1846, (H. Greely,) 216; the Kane
letter, ib.; Mr. Polk's protestations 217;
the game played out, ib.; peculiarities of
our national condition, 217, 218; reasons
why, under no considerations should
cloths and wares be bought abroad, 218,
219; merits of the New Tariff, 219; ad va-
lorem duties, 220; Mr. Webster on specific
duties, 221; the names of Alexander Ham-
ilton, Albert Gallatin, Wm. H. Crawford,
&c. adduced in favor of specific duties;
speech of Senator Davis against the Tariff
of 1846, 223; of Robt. Toombs, of Georgia,
224; Mr. Calhoun, in 1842, on cotton bag-
ging, 225; his estimates proved by the re-

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117.

Thoughts, Feelings, and Fancies, 238;
Friendship; observers; eccentricity; lan
guage, 238; circumstance; poets; love-
rhymes; women; life of the mind; Love's
language; book making; eccentric men of
genius, 239, 240.

To the night wind in Autumn, a poem, (G.
H. Colton,) 446.

Traditions and Superstitions, (Mrs. E. F.
Ellett,) the Shadowless Earl, 507.
Treaties, Reciprocity, remarks on Mr. Whea-
ton's Treaty with the German Zoll-Verein,

553.

V.

Veto Power; our Inland Trade, (Chas. King,)
326; scope of the veto-power, as granted
by the Constitution, 326, 327; Mr. Polk's
veto of the Harbor Bill, 328, 329; Report of
the Secretary of War on the condition of
public works, 330; the veto utterly unlook-
ed for, and a violation of Executive faith,
332, 333; vast importance of our Inland
Trade, 333, 334; statistics of the Lakes,
Views and Reviews in American History,
335; of the Mississippi, 337.
critical notice, 103.

Voyages in the Arctic Regions, critical no.
tice, 103.

W.

Walker's Agricultural project for the United
States, (Calvin Colton,) 410; can we be-
come the feeders and clothers of the whole
world? 410; Gen. Jackson's opinion, ib;
Lord Ashburton's, 411; table of grain im-
portations to England from other countries,
ib.; chance for American bread stuffs,
413; wheat crop of the United States, 414;
principle of supply and demand, ib.
Webster, Daniel, sketch of his life and pub-
lic services, 81; his birth and education,
81; admission to the bar, ib.; election to
Congress, ib.; retirement and professional
practice, 82; election to the Senate, ib.;
action against the doctrines of nullification,
ib.; Webster and Hayne, 83; the North-
eastern boundary and troubles on the Lake
Frontier, 83, 84; the Treaty, S5; the law
of nations considered, ib.

Who mourns wisely? (G. H. Colton,) 338.
Wolcott, Oliver, review of his papers, edited
by Geo. Gibbs, (by Chas. King,) 614.
Women, education of, 416.

Z.

Zadec's Story: "The Magician," (J. D.
Whelpley,) 373.
Zoophytes, structure and classification of,
notice of Dana's book, 432.

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HITHERTO, since the sudden breaking out of this war, little has been said, in regard to it, in any quarter, but what has had relation to the paramount duty which the country owes to itself, in the new position in which it is placed as a belligerent power. On all sides, our people have been chiefly occupied, as hostile armies are on the approach to battle, in surveying the enemy, in contemplating his force and numbers, and all his means of annoyance and injury, and considering what must be done to insure their own success in the conflict of arms to which they are committed. This they have regarded as their first duty. Everywhere the sentiment of patriotism has prevailed. And never was this virtue appealed to, or responded to by any people, under more trying circumstances. To the better and more intelligent portion of our people, war is Jutterly revolting; and we believe the impression is all but universal among such, even in advance of all argument and all minute investigation, that we have been plunged into this war, by the blunders, or the crime, of those who administer the public affairs of our own country. Divided intó parties and accustomed, as those in the ranks of the Opposition are, to give free utterance to every feeling of contempt and scorn with which the conduct of the Administration habitually inspires them -it is a thing to be specially noted and commended, that no portion of our peo

ple, however deeply exasperated by this condition of things, have ever suffered themselves to forget, for a moment, the fidelity due to the country, in the face of the public enemy. The first care of all has been that the hands of the Government should be fully furnished with every means and weapon necessary to meet the advance of that enemy in the field. Under very peculiar circumstances, especially unfavorable to calm deliberation, or rather as if forbidden to deliberate, Congress was appealed to by the President, and the response was promptly sent back to him, like an echo. Nothing was demanded in vain-though more was demanded than necessity required, or truth or the Constitution could sanction. And the whole country, with a singular unanimity, has virtually given its assent and countenance to the war, and has cheered on the Government to the employment of every necessary means for securing the defence and maintaining the honor of the land. And all this has been done, with a conscious feeling, we are persuaded, pervading all intelligent classes of the community, in all quarters of the country, that in its inception, this is purely an Executive war-a war of the Presi dent's own seeking, or if not specially sought by him, a war into which he was precipitated by acts of his own, of the most unjustifiable and the most reprehensible character.

After what has already transpired since this war was commenced, after what has already been done to vindicate the patriotism of our people, and the glory of our arms, and after the severe chastisement which the enemy has already received, we think it high time now that the people should begin to consider seriously of a proper reckoning between themselves and the guilty authors of the war. If we should wait till the war may be ended, till those who have got us into it may see fit to get us out in their own way, we believe the day of reckoning would never come. Our silence would be construed into consent and entire acquiescence. We believe the time has already come, when peace should be made, or sought at least, with Mexico; and the very fact that no step whatever has been taken, or, so far as we know, contemplated, by the Administration, towards an offer or an effort to renew friendly relations with that Power, since the disasters which have befallen her arms on the Rio Grande, should be held as a new offence, only less reprehensible than that of bringing us originally into a needless war. The voice of the people must be heard on this matter. We do not hesitate to affirm, as our undoubt ing conviction, that Mexico is ready to treat with us to-day, if she were approached by us as a weak but proud nation should be, by one so much her superior in power. She should be treated delicately, in respect of her pride, and generously and humanely, in consideration of her depressed and distracted condition. To-day, Commissioners to offer her terms of peace might be approaching her capital; or, at any rate, in some mode, measures should have been taken for bringing before her Government, at the earliest period, declarations and proofs of our pacific and friendly disposition. But all this seems far enough from the purpose of the Administration. We hear of nothing from that quarter, but designs of prosecuting the war to the heart of Mexico. We hear of an army of invasion, thirty thousand strong, to be concentrated with all possible dispatch on the frontiers of that country, and to be precipitated, in three grand divisions, without delay, and with little or no regard to climate or season, on the capital of the Empire. There, and there only, in the enemy's country, and at his capital, Napoleon-like, we are to dictate the terms of peace! Great words, and grand ideas, these, for modest and peace-loving

republicans to employ. We are "to conquer a peace in Mexico"-that is the phrase; and to do this, we are to march an army of thirty thousand men, fivesixths of them militia, many hundreds of miles into the enemy's country-strictly an army of invasion, and of foreign conquest. Yes we are to have an army of invasion and of foreign conquest, composed, five to one, of militia; and by what authority? Certainly not by the authority of the Constitution. No project or notion could be entertained more palpably in contempt of that instrument. In short, the plans for prosecuting this war are only equaled in atrocious usurpations of Executive power, by those which produced the war. It is time the people began to look after their own interest in this matter. Our own mind, at least, is made up. We will no longer refrain from uttering, before the country, the convictions which have been forced upon us, that the Administration, at Washington, is wholly responsible for this war; that though we may have had cause of war against Mexico, upon which we might have justified ourselves, according to the usage of nations in times past, yet this war was undertaken for no such cause; that in its inception it was in no way a war of defence, on our part, but of aggression; that it was induced and provoked by the Administration, at Washington, in assuming military occupation of a section of country to which the United States had no title, and which was till that moment in the actual and undisturbed possession of Mexico, as it always had been, since she had been a nation; a movement of the army of the United States into a foreign territory, by the sole authority of the President, and as little to be justified by any plea of necessity, arising from anything done, or threatened to be done, by Mexico, as by anything found in the Constitution of the country; and finally, that the plans for prosecuting the war, and, so far as we are permitted to understand them, the objects to be secured by it, if the Administration is to have its way, have as little in them, as the inception of the war itself, to commend them to the just sympathy or countenance of the American people. Such, we say, are our convictions, and we give them free utterance; but we propose, too, to offer to our readers some reasons for the opinions that we are so free to express.

The first thing we have to consider is,

that this war was begun with little real regard to those "wrongs and injuries" committed by Mexico against citizens of the United States, which form the burthen of complaint against that Power both in the President's annual message to Congress, in December last, and in his war message, of the 11th of May. This is a point which ought to be well understood by the whole country. It may be a question which party began the warand this we shall consider hereafter-but however this may be, certain it is, it had little or nothing to do, in its origin, with any wrongs and injuries whatever committed by Mexico. If she began hostilities, of course it was for some cause, if for any cause at all, other than that of wrongs and injuries committed by herself. If hostile demonstrations were first made on our side, we repeat, that very little regard, except by way of pretence, was had to our unsettled claims on Mexico; they entered very little into the real considerations which led to these demonstrations. The President has taken care all the while to make these claims figure largely in his communications to Congress, touching our difficulties with that Power; and we have not the least doubt that he has handled this juggle so adroitly as to make the impression, to a wide extent, on the minds of our people, that the real cause of this war is to be found, in a great measure at least, in these unsettled claims, and the necessity he was under of enforcing the adjustment of them without any further delay. Let us not allow ourselves to be deceived and imposed on in this way. If there had been no causes of difference between us and Mexico but this, and if the President had had no other object but this in view, there would have been no war, nor any approach to war. The President knows this well enough, and he has only sought to flourish "the wrongs and injuries we have so long borne" in the face of our people, that he might "prepare their hearts" for a war to be undertaken and prosecuted on other grounds, and for very different objects. We say again, let us not allow ourselves to be deceived and imposed on by the transparent pretences of the Administration at Washington. This war is to be referred mainly to one cause, and one cause only; it has been brought about in the determined pursuit of one principal object, and one only: that object was the acquisition of more territory. Not Texas only, or Texas proper;-that was secured

already, without war, or, as things finally resulted, without any danger of war. But the President wanted more territory than was secured by the terms of annexation, or than was likely to be obtained merely by an amicable settlement of the question of boundary, except as negotiation should be preceded or accompanied by military demonstrations in and about the coveted country. We think it susceptible of the clearest moral demonstration, that this has been the one grand object of the President, and that it is to this one object, as the principal and main thing, and the measures resorted to to secure it, that the country is indebted for the existence of this war. We shall recur to this point before we conclude this paper, and dwell upon it more at length. At present we wish to speak a little further, and more particularly, of our unsatisfied claims on Mexico, that we may understand for ourselves exactly what we have to complain of on this score, and what they have to do with the war, or the war with them.

Ever since the revolution which separated Mexico from Spain, in 1822, American citizens in Mexico, and the vessels of American citizens on the coasts of that country, have been subjected to occasional insults, oppressions, exactions and injuries. These things have arisen partly from the want of that just sense of the rights of persons and property, so well understood in our own country, and so little appreciated in Mexico, and partly as incident to the unsettled state of things there, and the fact that, if a republic at all, Mexico is a military republic, with the supreme power shifting almost as often as the seasons change from the hands of one military chief and despot to another. In such a country persons and property are necessarily very insecure; and it is not much to be wondered at, though not to be justified or tolerated, that strangers the citizens of other countries-trying the hazards of trade or business there, should suffer in common with those who are native to the country. It happens not unfrequently in such cases, that such strangers become the special objects of the arbitrary authority and the rapacity of the Government. The same causes, too, which operated to produce the injuries to which our citizens were subject at the hands of Mexico from time to time, in a long series of years, have constantly stood in the way of obtaining that prompt and complete redress which was due to the respective instances of outrage or in

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