duly registered, and declared to be on transit for foreign ports, will be allowed to proceed to their place of destination in the same vessel. The transfer of cargoes to Spanish vessels, and their conveyance in the same, will also be allowed; but a duty of one per cent. will be charged whenever the vessel, to which the cargo may be transferred, shall be a foreign one. If the landing and reception of the goods be solicited, the ordinary rules observed in such cases, will be put in force, as if no transit had been declared. Art. 11. Article 91, chapter 7, of the royal instruction of the 16th of April, 1816, relating to the deduction to be made in the duties on cocoa, when this article shall be declared to be intended for a foreign market, is hereby annulled. 14. Finally, articles 117, 118, 120, 129, 130, 134, 145, and 137, of chapter 7, of said instruction, are also cancelled for the present, in all things relating to the exportation to America. Instruction to the Custom House, for the clearance of American produce, goods and effects. Article 1. The provisions of the tariff, and the regulations approved by his majesty, are to be kept in view. Art. 2. The formalities to be observed, for the exact collection of the duties upon the admission of goods from America, and in other cases relating to the inward and outward trade, are to be the same as those established in chapter 7, of the instruction of the 16th April, 1816, excepting where any modifications shall have been made in the regulations of the same, or may be made in the present instruction. Art. 3. In the custom house of habilitated ports, silver, when not in very large quantities, may be in. cluded for all the purposes of land. ing, deposit, and payment of duties, in the permit granted by the collector for the landing of other goods; but in cases when silver is to be imported in considerable quantities, whether belonging to the King or to private persons, the provisions established by the instructions of 1816 are to be carried into effect. Art. 4. The register of every vessel, arriving from friendly ports, with her invoices and custom house certificates, are to form together a collection of documents, closed, numbered, and inscribed with the name of the ship, and that of the master, the port of departure, the day of her arrival, and date of clear ance. Art 5. As no interference of the authorities are necessary to the habilitation of vessels trading to America, registers will be granted to all such as are to be employed in navigating to the friendly ports of that continent; but when the intention shall be to trade to the foreign neutral ports of America, custom house certificates will be given, with the usual formalities observed for the exportation of goods to the foreign ports of Europe. Art. 6. The collectors and accountants of the customs will be particularly careful to furnish merchants, trading to America, with the certificates defined by art. 90, chapter 7, of the instruction of 1816, at the time of admitting the produce and effects of that country; and to require their presentation before granting permits for the circulation of the same; as also to cancel said certificates when their time shall have expired, and to keep an ac count of the increase or diminution that may take place in such goods, by reason of new importations, acquisitions, sales, or shipments, or other operations, in order to prevent the fraudulent entry and cir. culation through the country of the colonial produce of America. Art. 7. No change is made in the established mode of admitting such of the goods, proceeding from America, as are classed as bulky, but Cocoa and Indigo; and other articles of this description are to be carried regularly to the custom house, in order to their being inspected, weighed, and charged, notwithstanding the practice existing in some custom houses of despatching such goods on the landing places. Art. 8. Should the interests of merchants require the adoption of any new measures, or any alteration of the provisions established by this tariff, regulation, and instruction, the same will be announced in due time to them, for their information. I communicate the above to Y. E. by order of his majesty, for your information, and other necessary purposes; and also in order that you may direct it to be published in the Gazette, without delay. God preserve your excellency many years. LUIS LOPEZ BALLESTEROS. The Secretary of State. Proclamation of the King of Spain, on arriving ot Tarragona. CATALONIANS,- Behold me in the midst of you, as I promised that I would be, in my decree of the 18th of this month; but learn that, as a father, I am going to speak, for the last time, to the seditious, the language of mercy, being still inclined to listen to the petitions which they may address to me from their homes, if they are obedient to my voice; and that, as King, I am come to re-establish order, to give tranquillity to the province, and to afford protection to the persons and properties of my peaceable subjects, who have been maltreated in an atrocious manner, and to chastise, with all the severity of the law, those who shall disturb the public quiet. Shut your ears to the perfidious insinuations of those who, hired by the enemies of your prosperity, and making a parade of zeal for the religion which they profane, and for the throne which they insult, propose to themselves nothing else but the ruin of this industrious province. You already behold the vain and absurd pretexts by which they have attempted, till now, to co. lour their rebellion, belied by my arrival. I am not oppressed: the. persons who deserve my confidence do not conspire against our holy religion: the country is not in danger the honour of my crown is not compromised, and my sovereign authority is not coerced by any party. Why, then, are arms taken up by those who style themselves faithful subjects, pure royalists, and zealous Catholics? Against whom is it their intention to employ_them? Against their King and Lord. Yes, Catalonians, to take up arms on such pretences, to fight against my troops, to drive the magistrates from their homes, is to revolt openly against my person, to contemn my authority, and to despise the ordinances of religion, which enjoins obedience to the le gitimate authorities; it is an imi. tation of the conduct, and even of the language of the revolutionists of 1820; it is, in fine, an attempt to destroy the very foundation of monarchical institutions; for if the absurd privileges which the revolt. ere demand could be admitted, no throne in the universe could be considered secure. I cannot but believe that my royal presence will dissipate all prejudices and mistrusts; and I will not cease to hope, that, at my voice, the machinations of those who would seduce you into conspiracy and rebellion will be defeated.But if, contrary to my hopes, the last warnings are not listened to,if the bands of the revolted do not give up their arms, to the nearest military authority, within twenty. four hours after they shall have been made acquainted with my sovereign will, leaving the chiefs of all classes at my disposal, that they may undergo the fate which I may please to inflict upon them, and do not return to their respective homes, with the obligation to present them. selves in the bailiages, to be again immatriculated,-and lastly, if the changes made in the administration and government of my people are not annulled in the same space of time, the dispositions of my royal decree of the 10th of this month, shall be immediately carried into execution, and the remembrance of the exemplary punishment which awaits those who shall persist, will be long perpetuated. Given at the Archiepiscopal Palace of Tarragona, the 28th of Sept. 1827. I, THE KING. The Secretary of State of Grace and Justice, FRANCESCO TADEO DE CALO MARDE. Note from Mr. Alex. H. Everett, Envoy Extraordinary, and Minister Plenipotentiary of the U. S. to Spain, to the Duke del Infantado, principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, respecting the independence of the ancient colonies of Spain. SIR The government of the United States of America have looked with deep interest at the war now existing between Spain and her ancient colonies, ever since its commencement. Situated in the immediate neighbourhood of the regions where it has been carried on, they could not feel the same indif. ference upon the subject which has been shown by some other nations inhabiting a distant quarter of the globe. Their position, and the relations naturally resulting from it, were circumstances over which they had no control; and it was not in their power, had they wished it, to shrink from the responsibility that devolved upon them. It only remained to meet the delicacy of the situation by a corresponding circumspection in their conduct; to proceed upon acknowledged principles, and in conformity with the best information they could procure. Such has been, in fact, the course of their policy. They have spared no pains in endeavouring to obtain the most accurate accounts of the state of the war at its several periods; and they have adopted no important measure without great consideration, and a careful inquiry into the laws and usages of civilized countries. In pursuance of this system, they have considered it their duty to observe a fair and just neutrality between the two parties, and to entertain pacific and friend. ly relations with both alike; and they have, with good faith, and to the best of their ability, acted ac. cordingly. They have lent no military or naval assistance to either, but have freely granted to both the hospitality of their ports and territory, and have allowed the agents of both to procure within their jurisdiction, in the way of lawful trade, any supplies which suited their convenience. When the independence of the colonies appeared to them to be well established, it became a duty to regard and treat them as sovereign powers; and their increasing intercourse with the United States made it convenient and suitable to organize the relations between the countries in the usual form, by exchanging diplomatic and commercial agents invested with the usual powers and characters.But while the government of the United States felt themselves not only justified in these measures, but bound in duty to adopt them, they have continued to observe, in word and in deed, their former course of strict and honest neutrality. They have never taken upon themselves to express an opinion upon the merits of the quarrel, or upon the validity of the arguments advanced by either party in support of its pretensions, still less to interfere actively in favour of one or the other. The people of the United States, including, as private persons, the individuals composing the government, have generally felt and manifested a strong sympathy with the inhabitants of the colonies, in consequence of the similarity of their position with that of the United States half a century ago; but this natural feeling has not been allowed to influence the public measures. The President and Congress, in acting upon this subject, have uniformly proceeded upon strict principles and known facts. Their decisions on important points were adopted with almost unex. ampled unanimity; and have been, it is believed, very generally approved throughout the civilized world. They have since been closely followed by the two enlightened and powerful govern. ments whose position naturally call. ed upon them to take the lead, in this respect, among the nations of Europe. While pursuing this line of conduct, the government of the United States have also considered it their duty and their policy to employ their good offices, from time to time, with both parties, for the purpose of reconciling them to each other, and bringing the war to a close. This tedious contest, car ried on in their immediate neigh bourhood, has been, and still is, a source of no little actual inconve nience to them, in various ways. It has been, in particular, the ulti mate cause of the prevalence of piracy, to a fearful extent, upon the waters that surround their coasts; an evil which compels them to keep a strong naval force in ac. tive service, at a very unhealthy and dangerous post, and which nothing but the establishment of peace will ever completely eradicate.They have, therefore, the most powerful motives for wishing, in their own interest, to effect this great object. But, independently of any such considerations, the common sentiments of humanity, and the sympathy which all civilized and Christian nations naturally feel in each other's welfare, lead them to desire the close of this long and cruel struggle. Entertaining, and wishing to entertain, the most friendly relations with both parties, they cannot but feel the deepest interest in the restoration of harmony and good understanding be. tween them, and in the consequent general pacification of the American continent. They have accordingly given to both, on many occasions, such counsels as appeared most likely to promote this object. As the independence of the colonies has appeared to them, for some years past, to be well established, they can imagine no other means of effecting the great purpose in question, except by the consent of his majesty to treat with his ancient provinces on the footing of sovereign and independent states; and they have, from time to time, with all the delicacy required by the im. portance and peculiar character of the subject, and with all the respect which they sincerely cherish for the Spanish government and nation, advised this measure. These counsels, although his Majesty has not yet thought proper to act upon them, have been received and listened to in the friendly spirit in which they were given; and the government of the United States have been induced, in consequence, and by the generally friendly character of their relations with Spain, to continue the same course, as occasion may appear to render it expedient. I was accordingly in. structed, upon leaving my country, to express to his Catholic Majesty, and his ministers, the firm convic. tion and earnest wishes of the go. vernment which I have the honour to represent, in regard to this question. I have already communicated them in conversation to your excellency's predecessor, and to yourself. In order to state them with more distinctness, and to ena. ble your excellency to lay them before his Majesty in the precise form in which they are conveyed to you, I now take the liberty of troubling you with a few suggestions in writing upon this great and interesting subject. The present moment seems to be a favourable one for reviewing the decisions that were taken at an earlier period of the war, and for considering whether events have not since occurred which make it expedient to change them. A course of proceeding which was apparently wise and politic ten or fifteen years ago, may have been rendered, by the subsequent progress of affairs, impolitic and ruinous. It may have been natural for the King to make war upon his colonies at the time when they first declared their independence; when there was a probability of reducing them again to their allegiance, and when it was yet uncertain whether the efforts they were making were the work of a few factious spirits or of the whole community; and it may, nevertheless, be in the highest degree inexpedient to continue the attempt to subjugate these colo. nies, now that they have grown up into six or eight populous and pow. erful nations, situated in a distant quarter of the globe, in the full exercise of all the prerogatives of sovereignty, and respected and acknowledged as sovereign by several of the greatest powers of the world. It is the usage of prudent governments not to adhere with too much constancy to any system, merely because it has once been adopted, but to mark the course of affairs, and to regulate their conduct by the present situation of things, rather than the past. A statesman who attempts to counter |