1854, or those who have their residence in certain sectional locations, that will or can practically avail themselves of the benefit of this bill; the statistics of emigration show that but one million of emigrants had arrived in the country up to 1840 and up to which time 25,000,000 of acres of land had been sold by the government and paid for by our citizens, while emigration since that period has averaged nearly a quarter of a million annually, and for government to give away land now, which it formerly sold to those then seeking "homes," who certainly had as strong claims as any more recently arrived, would be to act partially, and equity would require the return of the many millions of dollars previously drawn by the government from our citizens. 2. That if this agrarian precedent is established by Congress in the middle of the nineteenth century, of giving to each male adultho may be in the country one hundred and sixty acres of land, on petitions emanating from our large commercial cities or other sectional locations, what may be the demands from the same quarter before the close of the century, and if the public lands shall all have been given away, it may well be regarded a nice distinction that refuses the applicants the revenue directly from the treasury itself, when the lands that for so many years contributed to supply the treasury were freely given. 3. That no argument can be found for the measure in any policy of settling more rapidly the new States, since never during the past history of the country was their increase greater or their prosperity more gratifying, while additional inducements, such as the offer of "free farms" to a large class of citizens now well engaged in the trades, in mechanical, agricultural, and other pursuits, would most seriously injure the old States by withdrawing those whose labour is required and well rewarded. 4. That the measure is not necessary as a means of encouraging still further emigration by conveying the idea to the population of Europe, that on their arrival in the United States they will be provided by the government with "homes" and "freeholds," and which idea, in furnishing a precedent, this bill does directly hold out; the arrivals of this population are such at present as to over-tax our commercial marine, crowding the ships in a manner often resulting in great mortality. 5. That in reference to the advantages to the proposed beneficiaries themselves of this class, the measure is of more than doubtful expediency so far as it contemplates engaging them in the actual tillage of the soil to which the early pursuits and habits of many would be altogether unsuited, and the idea of making a poor man a farmer by giving him a "home" as it is called, or giving him one hundred and sixty acres of wild land in the forest, and compelling him to reside on it five years without the means or the knowledge of improving the first acre of it, any practical farmer knows must result in failure, and in making the poor man still poorer, for it would probably leave him discouraged and disheartened as well as bankrupt. 6. That the effects and fruits of this measure will probably be, if successful, to give in the first place a selection and appropriation at once, of all the best land to the people in States or vicinity of where the lands lie, and in the end, under different pretexts, Congress will be called to modify the law in reference to actual residence, and the result will be that the "freeholds" will soon be transmuted into land scrip, flooding the country to the amount of two hundred million of dollars, to be "operated in" by land warrant brokers and speculators, whose zeal for the success of this bill is already well known. 7. That we respectfully suggest that we have not understood nor do we believe the people generally have understood, that in voting for our representatives we were authorizing them to give away each his one million of dollars worth of public land for the purpose aforesaid, nor can we find in the Constitution, though it may be there, any authority for their giving land at all with or without the consent of their consti tuents. 8. That the title of the bill we regard as utterly delusive, especially in setting forth among other things that it is for the "benefit of agriculture," and it is as agriculturists, as members of a society for the promotion of agriculture, we protest against it-against the government coming forward to create three hundred thousand free farms, or any number of free farms, and diverting labor now well and better employed; there are few of us that starting in life poor have not bought and paid for the land we till, and we consider it no hardship for any man to do the same, and if our government will leave our people of both foreign and native birth to the exercise of their own energies without undertaking their beneficiary support, there is nothing necessary to their wants or happiness they cannot obtain. The following additional resolution was moved by James Canby, esq., seconded by Theodore Crawford, esq: Resolved, That in the opinion of this society the principle of giving the public lands to the landless is demoralizing in its tendency, as doing away the inducement to economy and industry, and likely to lead to habits anything but promotive of the public good. On motion of Mr. McDaniel, Resolved, That the corresponding secretary communicate copies of the proceedings of this meeting to our senators and representative in Congress, with a request that the bill now pending before the honorable Senate may receive the energetic opposition of the senators of this State; and that copies of the proceedings be also furnished to the press of this State, and to the National Intelligencer and Daily Globe, with a request that they will publish the same. JAMES CANBY, Secretary. JOHN C. CLARK, President. 1st Session. No. 48. RESOLUTIONS OF THE LEGISLATURE OF GEORGIA, Approving of the principles contained in the "Nebraska bill," relating to the subject of slavery in the Territories. APRIL 20, 1854.-Ordered to lie on table and be printed. RESOLUTION IN RELATION TO THE TERRITORY OF NEBRASKA. The State of Georgia in solemn convention having firmly fixed herself upon the principles of the compromise measures of 1850, relating to the subject of slavery in the Territories of the United States, as a final settlement of the agitation of that question, its withdrawal from the halls of Congress, and the political arena, and its reference to the people of the Territories interested therein; and distinctly recognizing in those compromise measures the doctrine that it is not competent for Congress to impose any restrictions as to the existence of slavery among them upon the citizens moving into and settling upon the Territories of the Union, acquired or to be hereafter acquired, but that the question whether slavery shall or shall not form a part of their domestic institutions, is for them alone to determine for themselves; and her present executive having reiterated and affirmed the same fixed policy in his inaugural address Be it resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the State of Georgia in general assembly met, That the legislature of Georgia, as the representatives of the people, speaking their will and expressing their feelings, have had their confidence strengthened in the settled determination of the great body of the northern people to carry out in good faith those principles, in the practical application of them to the bills reported by Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on Territories, in the United States Senate, at the present session, proposing the organization of a territorial government for the Territory of Nebraska. And be it further resolved, That our senators in Congress be, and they are hereby instructed, and our representatives requested, to vote for, and support those principles, and to use all proper means in their power for carrying them out, either as applied to the government of the Territory of Nebraska, or in any other bill for territorial government which may come before them. Resolved further, That his excellency the governor be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to each of our senators and representatives in Congress. JOHN E. WARD, Speaker of the house of representatives. In senate agreed to, February 17, 1854. HUGH M. MOORE, Secretary of senate. President of the senate. In house of representatives concurred in, February 17, 1854. Clerk of house of representatives. Approved, February 20, 1854. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, Governor. |