Page images
PDF
EPUB

of enacting laws for the surrendering of fugitives from justice; the organization of courts, which should make the dispensation of justice convenient and attainable in remote parts of the Territory; and the efficient organization of the militia. He pointed out the benefits which would result mutually to the constituent and representative by the division of the Territory into districts; the importance of a practical and well-digested system of schools and education; the situation of the roads; and explained to them. the condition of the finances of the Territory, and recommended radical changes in the code of laws. All these topics were discussed in a statesmanlike manner, and satisfied as well the members of the Council as the inhabitants, for whose welfare he acted and wrote, that he understood their interests, and had endeavored to subserve them. The Legislature responded to these recommendations by enactments- the best evidence in their power to give of their unlimited confidence in the Chief Magistrate.

The Governor believed that the right of government was inherent in the people; and that from them, in a republican government, emanates all the power and sovereignty. In commenting on this point, he remarks: "The legislative power heretofore exercised, has been vested in officers over whom the people had no direct control. Authority, thus held, is certainly liable to abuse; but its practical operation was restrained and secured, as well by the limitations provided in the fundamental ordinance as by the spirit of our institutions and the superintending control of the general government. Still that change in our political system, which gives to the people the right of electing their own Legislature, is not only correct in principle, but will be found. most salutary in its operation.

"The power of appointment to office, in free governments, presents for solution a delicate question. In this Territorial government, that power is vested in the Executive alone. I feel no disposition, on the one hand, to shrink from any necessary responsibility; nor, on the other, tenaciously to retain any power originally granted for the public good, but which the public interest now requires should be surrendered. The ordinance of Congress which forms the basis of our political fabric, was passed thirty-five years ago. It was a political experiment, and successive alterations have been made, and to remedy defects

which experience has shown to exist, and to accommodate its principles to the advancing opinions of the age. My own observation has satisfied me, that a beneficial change may be made in the mode of appointment to office. All township and corporation, and many county officers, particularly those whose duties. relate to the fiscal and police concerns of the respective counties, should be elected by the people. In the appointment of others, it appears to me proper to give to the Council a participation. No system which has been adopted in the United States, upon this subject, is better calculated to effect the object than that which requires a nomination by an executive magistrate, and the concurrence of a deliberative body. By these means, we have the advantage of individual responsibility in the nomination, and also a check upon its abuse, in the required concurrence of a co-ordinate branch of the government."

Governor Cass also called the attention of the Legislature to another subject,-that of schools and education-a subject at that day not so much discussed or generally appreciated as since. "The importance of this subject," he says, "to our present and future prosperity, must be too well appreciated to require any observation from me. A practical and well-digested system, which should extend to all the advantages of education, would be of inestimable value to this young and growing community. A more acceptable service could not be rendered to our fellowcitizens; and no more equitable tax can be levied in any country, than one whose application is directed to preparing its citizens for appreciating and preserving the blessings of self-government." In relation to the accountability of the representative to his constituents, he comments as follows: "It is always desirable that the connection between the representative and constituent should be as intimate as practicable; and with this view, districts are usually established, within which, it may fairly be presumed, the electors will be acquainted with the characters and pretensions of those who request their suffrages. When these districts are extensive, and particularly when they embrace a whole State or Territory, the immediate accountability of the representative to those among whom he lives, and who know him best, is weakened. I believe it would be expedient to divide the Territory into districts, and assign to each the election of two members of the Council."

No person will pretend, but that these sentiments are such as would be expected from a believer in the doctrines of republicanism. In antagonism to the once popular dogma of limiting all civil power and authority to the few, and the few centered in one, he planted his administration upon the basis of popular suffrage: that being the government of the people, and baptized with their hearts' blood, it should be amenable to them, and at all times subject to their revision. The Legislature promptly seconded their Governor; and in all their legislation, this sentiment was steadily kept in view. With what benefit and success, let the subsequent history of Michigan attest.

In the course of this year, (1824,) General Cass directed the attention of the general government to the resources of that part of the Territory situate on Lake Superior, and, in particular, the copper mines. He recommended that steps be taken to obtain from the Indians the right to explore that country for mining purposes, with liberty to remove iron or other precious metals found there. There were obstacles in the way of procuring an absolute title; but all the advantages to be derived from a purchase, could be as well attained by procuring the assent of the Indians to prosecute mining operations, leaving the cession of title to some subsequent negotiation. The country was known to abound in rich mines of copper and iron. The observations and report of the expedition of 1820 had fully established this truth, and subsequent information confirmed it. The future value of these mines was perfectly obvious to General Cass. Writing on this subject, in November of this year, to Thomas H. Benton, of the United States Senate, he remarks:

"The metaliferous region is upon and about the lake shore, and the extinction of the Indian title to such a portion of it as may be deemed advantageous, would not diminish their means of subsistence, But I still think, as I thought originally, that it would be most proper to negotiate with them for the right to explore the country, and carry on mining operations wherever appearances may promise the most productive results. All the advantages we could expect to derive from the mineral riches of the country would be gained by the right to procure and take away any portion of them. No calculation can be made of the extent and pecuniary value of these copper mines. No doubt is entertained but that the metal may be procured with as much ease as in any

part of the world. In fact, it is well known that large masses of pure malleable copper have been discovered in different parts of the country, and there is every reason to believe that, when those regions are fully explored, these masses will be found to be still more abundant. The cost of making the purchase I have described, may be kept within the sum of ten thousand dollars, and full justice be done to the Indians interested. It might, I doubt not, be made for a much less sum, were it consonant to the principles or policy of the government to procure cessions from the Indians at the lowest possible rate. But it is due to the character of our country, and to the feelings of our citizens, that, in our negotiations with these wretched people, we should remember our own strength and wealth, and their weakness and poverty; that we should look back upon what they have lost and we have gained, and never forget the great moral debt we owe them."

At the session of Congress which assembled on the first Monday of December, 1824, a bill passed the Senate conferring authority on the President of the United States to appoint a commissioner to treat with the Indians for permission to search for copper on the south shore of Lake Superior. The bill, however, was lost in the House of Representatives; but the necessity for carrying out the suggestion of General Cass became so obvious to the next Congress, that it passed the bill, and a treaty was made with the Chippewas, granting to the United States the right to search for and carry away the metals or minerals found in any part of their country. This was the commencement of mining in the Superior region, and the enterprising miner, and the companies he represents, may, in justice, attribute their right to tear up the rocks and mountains, and excavate the subterranean caverns of earth, to the vigilant watchfulness and far-seeing statesmanship of General Cass at this early day.

In the year 1825, the general government believed it was their duty to make an effort to terminate, if possible, the feuds and enmities existing among the north-west tribes of Indians. Wars, for many successive years, had been waged between the Chippewas and Sioux; the Sacs and Foxes and the Sioux; and the Iowas and the Sioux. The last named tribe roamed an extensive country, and was turbulent and revengeful, and powerful. It was thought, if this state of hostilities was suffered longer to continue within the jurisdiction of the United States, the evil would become

incalculable. Besides, there was extreme danger of these wars extending over a large surface of country. The government became fearful that other tribes, far up the Missouri and Mississippi rivers, would become involved in hostilities, and a general warfare be the consequence. This would be a deplorable evil, retarding the advancement of the country, and creating new and, perhaps, insurmountable obstacles to a removal, of the tribes further east, beyond the Mississippi. To promote peace among themselves, and to establish limits to their hunting grounds, so that one tribe should not invade the domain of the other, and thus remove the principal source of all their difficulties, General Cass was associated with Governor Clarke, of the State of Missouri, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and well acquainted with them, and who had been the associate of Lewis across the Rocky Mountains, in a commission to negotiate a treaty of general pacification and boundaries. The commissioners, in August, at Prairie du Chien, met, in pursuance of invitation to these Indians, large deputations of the Sioux, Chippewas, Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Iowas, and Menominees, and many of them having come from points a thousand miles from the treaty ground. This great council, being, from numbers, necessarily of many dispositions and minds, was quite unwieldy, and it was many days before the commissioners were able to penetrate their views. Their numerous claims came in conflict, and were perseveringly and doggedly urged. It was a herculean task to reconcile these formidable differences, and induce concession and relinquishment. The nature of the transaction was different from an ordinary treaty, where lands were to be given up on the one side, and a consideration paid therefor on the other. "There were no tangible inducements—no glittering gold and showy presents. The consideration of their concession was entirely a moral one. It was asking the turbulent and war-seeking Chippewa, the brave and daring Sioux, to lay down the tomahawk, and extend the hand of peace and friendship to one another, while each held the unavenged trophies of valor, obtained in deadly combat." All the caution and prudence of the commissioners were required to meet successfully the great acuteness of the Indians in defining their rights, and their pertinacity in maintaining them; and had not the commissioners been thoroughly conversant with their character, and undismayed with their frequent startling ebullitions of passion, the conference

« ՆախորդըՇարունակել »