friend at the Hermitage. General Jackson was right glad to see him, and he had a delightful visit.

In his journey to and from Nashville, General Cass met with many of his old comrades in the wars. And numerous are the interesting anecdotes related. The following we re-produce, as evincive of character.

When at Norwalk, Ohio, while a number of revolutionary soldiers were being introduced to the General, one asked if he remembered him. Upon receiving a reply in the negative, the old soldier gave the following account of their first meeting: "In the spring of 1813, Fort Meigs was besieged by the British and Indians, and the Ohio militia were called out to march to the relief of the fort. General Cass was appointed to the command. The marshes and woods were filled with water, making the roads almost impassable. The commanding general had not yet arrived, but was daily expected. On the second day of the march, a young soldier, from exposure to the weather, was taken sick. Unable to march in the ranks, he followed along in the rear. When at a distance behind, attempting, with difficulty, to keep pace with his comrades, two officers rode along, one a stranger, and the other the colonel of the regiment. On passing him, the colonel remarked: General, that poor fellow there is sick; he is a good fellow though, for he refuses to go back; but I fear that the Indians will scalp him, or the crows pick him, before we get to Fort Meigs.' The officer halted, and dismounted from his horse. When the young soldier came up, he addressed him: 'My brave boy, you are sick and tired; I am well and strong; mount my horse and ride.' The soldier hesitated. Do not wait,' said the officer, and lifting him on his horse, with directions to ride at night to the General's tent, he proceeded to join the army. At night, the young soldier rode to the tent, where he was met by the General with a cheerful welcome, which he repaid with tears of gratitude. That officer was General Cass, and the young soldier is the person now addressing you. My name is John Laylin." The General, remembering the circumstance, immediately recognized him. Mr. Laylin added: "General, that deed was not done for the world to look upon; it was done in the woods, with but three to witness it."

Another. The carriage containing General Cass was one day stopped by a man who said, " General, I can't let you pass without speaking to you. You don't know me?" General Cass replied

that he did not. "Well, sir," said the man, "I was the first man in your regiment to jump out of the boat on the Canadian shore." "No, you were not," said the General, "I was the first man myself on shore." "True," said the other, "I jumped out first into the river, to get ahead of you, but you held me back, and got ahead of me."

On his way back to Detroit, he daily harangued the people that assembled in crowds to see him, to stand fast to their political integrity, and give the nominees of the Democratic convention a cordial and effective support. He called upon them to discard all jealousy-to sever themselves from all disaffection—and, in solid column, move forward to victory. Such an exhibition of disinterestedness influenced many a wavering Democrat to pursue firmly the line of duty, and sacrifice his personal inclinations. upon the altar of principle. It was said that these personal efforts of General Cass determined the electoral vote of Indiana. It was cast for Polk and Dallas, as well as the vote of Michigan. Mr. Polk, in many localities, was comparatively unknown among the masses of the people.

These efforts, as well as the cheerful acquiescence and approval expressed by the other gentlemen whose names had been presented to the Democratic convention, beyond question contributed pow erfully to the success which followed, in the elevation of James K. Polk to the Chief Magistracy, by an expressive majority over the popular and eloquent Whig leader, Henry Clay.

CHAPTER XXXII.

General Cass elected Senator-President Polk- His Message - The Monroe Doctrine-General Cass' Views-His Speech to the Senate.

The official term of Augustus S. Porter, as a senator of the United States from the State of Michigan, was to expire on the third of March, 1845. As soon as it was known that Mr. Polk was elected, a canvass commenced, and speculation was rife with rumors in relation to his cabinet. It was well understood that none of the then heads of Departments at Washington would be invited to remain. An entire change would take place. The names of many eminent men were suggested. Public expectation pointed to General Cass as the premier. But the people of Michigan desired to have the benefit of his services in the Senate, and were desirous that the Legislature should elect him as the successor of Mr. Porter. There was no occasion for any anxiety on this point, for long before the day for the Legislature to act, it was perfectly apparent what that action would be. Indeed, there was but one sentiment on the subject; and in due course of time, the Legislature, in compliance with public opinion, elected General Cass to serve as a senator of the United States from Michigan, for six years from the fourth of March, 1845. Every Democratic member of the Legislature, save two in the Senate, voted for him, and his election was regarded as unanimous. He proceeded to Washington, and took his seat in the Senate of the United States at the executive session called upon the inauguration of Mr. Polk.

The first session of the 29th Congress commenced on the first Monday of December, 1845, and this was the first regular meeting of Congress under the new administration. General Cass was in attendance at the commencement of the session. He entered upon a new field of official labor. His experience as a legislative debater was limited, for it was comprised in the single term he

served as a member of Assembly in the Ohio Legislature in 1806-7. He was now associated with the ablest men of the land. The brightest intellects of the country were there-minds long accustomed to parliamentary tactics, and of commanding influence. He appreciated his position and its embarrassments. He was fully aware, also, that nothing he might say or do in that body would escape the attention of his fellow-citizens. He was, therefore, to act carefully, and at the same time be up to his duty, with firmness and intelligence.

The President, in his annual message, informed Congress that it was his determination, in regard to the interference of foreign powers in American affairs, to adhere to the Monroe doctrine. He reminded the two Houses that neither the people of the United States, nor their government, could view with indifference the attempt of any European power to interfere with the independent. action of the nations on this continent. The subject was recommended to the attention of congress, and senator Allen, of Ohio, a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, asked leave to introduce into the Senate a joint resolution declaratory of the principles by which the government of the United States would be guided in respect to the interposition of the powers of Europe in the political affairs of America on this continent. The question upon granting leave, came up for discussion on January 26th, 1846. It produced a debate which extended through many days. The leading members took part in the debate. General Cass advocated the motion. Messrs. Webster, Calhoun, Berrien, Corwin, and Crittenden, opposed it. General Cass supported the proposition upon the ground that it was the correct course to pursue in reference to the relations of the United States with England that this country "could lose nothing at home or abroad by establishing and maintaining an American policy-a policy decisive in its spirit, moderate in its tone, and just in its objects-proclaimed and supported firmly, but temperately."

The object of the recommendation in the President's message, and of this resolution, was to stay the consummation of the designs of the British government on the western continent. That government was at the bottom of all movements the tendency of which was the transfer of balance of power to monarchy, and especially to itself, on this side of the Atlantic. The treaty of Washington had encouraged this aspiration. Island after island,

country after country, were falling before the ambition of England. She was planting her standard wherever there was a people to be subdued or the fruits of industry to be secured. With professions of philanthropy, she was untiringly pursuing the designs of an infinite ambition, and no statesman could shut his eyes to the fact, that she was encircling the globe with her stations, whereever she could best accomplish her schemes of aggrandizement. No nation, since the fall of the Roman power, had displayed greater disregard for the rights of others, or more boldly aimed at universal domination. Many of the public men of the United States, and among the number was General Cass, were of the opinion that, in dealing with her, it was far better to resist aggression, whether of territory, of impressment, or of search, when first attempted, than to yield, in the hope that forbearance would be met in a just spirit, and lead to an amicable compromise. And they were right. A system of concession would have been, of all delusions, the most fatal, and we should have awoke from it a dishonored if not a ruined people.

In his remarks upon this resolution, General Cass most truly stated:

"But what is proposed by this resolution? It proposes, Mr. President, to repel a principle which two of the greatest powers of the earth are now carrying into practice upon this continent, so far as we can discover any principle involved in the war which the French and British are now waging against Buenos Ayres; and a principle solemnly announced by the French prime minister in the Chamber of Deputies, clearly in doctrine, but cautiously in the remedy. I need not advert to the declaration made upon that occasion by M. Guizot-a declaration equally extraordinary and memorable. An honorable member of this body has the debate in full; and I trust that, in the further discussion which this subject must undergo, and will undergo, in this body in one form or another, he will read the remarks of the French premier, and give us the able views I know he entertains of them. I will only add, that these remarks are eminently characteristic of a peculiar class of statesmen, who are always seeking some new and brilliant thought-something with which to dazzle the world as much as it dazzles themselves-some paradox or other as a shroud wherewith to wrap their dying frame. Plain, common sense, and