the true condition of men and communities, are lost in diplomatic subtleties.

"But what is this balance of power which is to cross the Atlantic and take up its abode in this new world? It is the assumption of a power which has deluged Europe in blood, and which has attempted to stifle the first germs of freedom in every land where they have started up; which has blotted Poland from the map of nations; which has given a moiety of Saxony, in spite of the prayers of the people, to Prussia; which has extinguished Venice and Genoa; which added Belgium to Holland, notwithstanding the repugnance of its inhabitants, who eventually rose in their revolutionary might, and asserted and achieved their own independence; which transferred Norway from Denmark, to which it was attached by old ties and by a mild government, to Sweden, who had to send an army and to call upon the navy of England to aid her to take possession of this gift of the holy alliance; which keeps Switzerland in an eternal turmoil, and which sent a French army into Spain to put down the spirit of liberty, and an Austrian army to Italy for the same purpose; and which watches and wards off the very first instincts of human nature to meliorate its social and political condition.

"It is the assumption of a power which enables five great nations of Europe they are quintuple at present-to govern just as much of the world as will not or can not resist their cupidity and ambition, and to introduce new principles, at their pleasure and to their profit, into the code of nations; to proclaim that the slave trade is piracy by virtue of their proclamation, and that their cruisers may sweep the ocean, seizing vessels, and crews, and cargoes, and committing them to that great vortex which has swallowed up such a vast amount of our property and issued so many decrees against our rights-a court of admiralty; and, byand-bye, will enable them to proclaim, if not resisted, that the cotton trade shall be piracy, or that the tobacco trade shall be piracy, or that anything else shall be piracy which ministers to our power and interest and does not minister to theirs.

"The honorable senators on the other side, who took part in the discussion respecting the national defenses, I believe, without exception, expressed their satisfaction at the President's message. And yet no man can doubt that, if the measures suggested by him are carried into effect, and if England does not recede greatly from

all her former positions, war must come. Still we are called panicmakers and seekers of war. As the thermometer of the stock exchange rises and falls, a representative of the people is wise or rash in the measures he proposes, or honest or dishonest in the motives that actuate him. It is not my habit to cast reflections upon any class of employment, but, without violating this rule, I may express the gratification that there are higher interests than those of stock-jobbing in this country, and a mighty mass who control its destinies, and who know nothing of the operations of a Wall street financier.

"Look at the state of things in Brazil! The treaty between that country and England, on the subject of the right of search, has expired. But has the right expired also? It has, but not the practice. England yet stops, with the strong hand, Brazilian ships wherever she finds them in tropical latitudes, and seizes and sends them to her own courts of admiralty for condemnation; and this in utter contempt of all the laws regulating the rights of independent nations.

"I allude to all these, facts, sir, because they ought to warn us of our duty. I allude to them in despite of the charge which has been and will again be made out of the Senate, not in it, of a desire to excite undue prejudice against England. I have no such desire; but I have a desire that my own country should be aware of her true position, and should be prepared to meet her responsibility, whatever difficulties may beset her path-prepared, sir, in head, in hand, and in heart. Yes, sir, notwithstanding the severe commentaries which a casual expression of the honorable senator from Ohio has encountered from a portion of the public press, I will repeat the expression-prepared in the heart; for, if war should come, which may Providence avert, I trust the hearts of our countrymen will be prepared for the struggle it will bring. There is no better preparation, nor any surer cause or augury of success."

In alluding to the debate on the President's message, he added : "I expressed my approbation of the President's message; but, on the subject of the state of the country, I did not say one word more than I intended and intend now. I am no lover of war. I am no seeker of it; but I have to learn that it is hastened by adequate preparation. I have passed through one war, and hope never to see another. Still, I shall never cry peace! peace! unless

I believe there is truly peace. The honorable senator from Kentucky, whom I first met, many years ago, marching to the battlefield, and who will always be found on the side of his country, supposed, when the question of the national defense was under discussion, I had said war was inevitable. He misunderstood me. I considered the danger of war imminent, not inevitable. Had I thought it inevitable, I should not have submitted propositions for inquiry, but decisive measures for adoption. I hold on firmly, sir, to every word I said before, neither softening nor explaining, but denying, because I apprehended we might have war, therefore I desired it. And I still consider danger imminent—not diminished, so far as I know, by the recent arrival. The subject in controversy remains precisely as it was. The question was, and is, whether we shall surrender to the British demands, or whether the British government shall surrender to ours."

The motion was adopted, and leave granted to the senator from Ohio to introduce the proposed resolution. The resolution, in substance, provided that Congress, concurring with the Presi dent, and sensible that a time had arrived when the government of the United States could no longer remain silent without being ready to submit to, and even to invite, the enforcement of the dangerous European doctrine of the "balance of power," solemnly declare to the civilized world the unalterable resolution of the United States to adhere to and enforce the principle, that any effort of the powers of Europe to intermeddle in the social organization or political arrangements of the independent nations of America, or further to extend the European system of government upon this continent by the establishment of new colonies, would be incompatible with the independent existence of the nations, and dangerous to the liberties of the people of America, and, therefore, would incur, as by the right of self-preservation it would justify, the prompt resistance of the United States.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

The Oregon Question-General Cass addresses the Senate-His Opinions-Extracts from his SpecchHis reply to Colonel Benton-The Treaty of Oregon-The Senate in Executive Session.

At this session of the 29th Congress, the Oregon question came up for discussion, and attracted much attention. The governments of the United States and Great Britain, in the year 1818, under date of the twentieth of October in that year, entered into a convention for the period of ten years-and subsequently, by an additional convention, under date of the sixth of August, 1827, this period of time was indefinitely extended. By the terms thereof, it was agreed that any country which was claimed by either party, upon the north-west coast of America, west of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, commonly called the Oregon Territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be "free and open" to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties might have to any part of said country; and with this further provision in the third article of the said convention of the sixth of August, that either party might abrogate and annul the said convention, on giving notice of twelve months to the other contracting party.

This agreement was entered into, for the reason that the governments of the two countries were unsuccessful in then settling definitely their respective claims to the disputed territory. Several attempts had been made, from time to time, to agree upon a boundary line and adjust the controversy, but without avail. The United States had offered the parallel of the forty-ninth degree of north latitude, coupled with the concession of the free navigation of the Columbia river, south of that degree. Great Britain, on her part, had offered the same parallel of latitude from the Rocky Mountains to its intersection with the north-easternmost branch of the Columbia river, and thence down that river to the Pacific

ocean, together with a small detached territory north of the Columbia. Both parties rejected the propositions thus made.

In 1843 the United States Minister in London was authorized to renew the offer previously made to Great Britain, but while the subject was under consideration there, the negotiation was transferred to Washington. The British Minister, in August, 1844, opened the negotiation at Washington by a renewal of the previous offer made to the United States, with the addition of free ports south of forty-nine degrees. This proposition, if accepted, would have given Great Britain two-thirds of the entire territory known as Oregon, including the free navigation of the Columbia, and the harbors on the Pacific ocean, and was rejected as boldly as it was made. This offer and refusal terminated that negotiation, and no farther attempt at adjustment was made until 1845, when President Polk made an effort to settle the controversy amicably, and, if possible, satisfactorily. The British Minister rejected the overtures of President Polk; and as that functionary offered no counter proposition, the President withdrew the friendly offer he had made, and asserted the right of the United States to the whole of Oregon. As this proceeding closed the door to all further negotiation, the President recommended and urged upon Congress the necessity of terminating, by giving the proper notice, the agreement made in 1818, in regard to joint occupation.

Early in the session-on the eighteenth of December-Senator Allen, of Ohio, offered a joint resolution in the Senate, for the purpose of carrying into effect the views of the President. It was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, of which that senator was chairman, and was reported back to the Senate in the following form.

Resolved by the Senate, &c. :-That in virtue of the second article of the convention of the sixth of August, 1827, between the United States of America and Great Britain, relative to the country westward of the Stony or Rocky Mountains, the United States of America do now think fit to annul and abrogate that convention, and the said convention is hereby accordingly annulled and abrogated: provided that this resolution shall take effect after the expiration of the term of twelve months from the day on which due notice shall have been given to Great Britain of the passage of this resolution. And the President of the United States is bereby authorized and required to give such notice; and also at