from his infancy, would hesitate to dash into a stream and cross it almost as readily as if it were unbroken ground?

"But long defensive lines, even when skillfully constructed and carefully guarded, are but feeble barriers against courage and enterprise. How long did the Roman wall keep the North Britons out of England? How long did the Grecian wall of the Lower Empire keep the Turks out of Constantinople, and the horse-tails. of their pashas from the cathedral of Saint Sophia? And the Chinese wall-an immense labor of man-that, too, opened to the Tartars, and enabled the chief of roving bands to ascend the oldest throne in the world. The best wall a country can have is the breasts of its citizens, free, prosperous and united."

General Cass proceeded to say that he did not go for strengthening the war power because he wished to have men killed or wounded; but to enable it to conquer a peace in the shortest space of time practicable. This was the publicly-proclaimed policy of the administration. It was no secret.

The object of the proposed appropriation was to put peace, if it could be honorably obtained, at the disposal of the President. The amount of treasure already expended by the United States reached a large figure. The Mexican government, it was well known, was impoverished, and its finances at a low ebb. It was apparent, hence, to the most superficial observer, that if a negotiation was at any time opened, its continuance would be unproductive of results unless some inducement, other than a cessation of hostilities, could be presented to the Mexican authorities. As the Mexican treasury was notoriously bankrupt, the President and his confidential advisers-and no occupant of the Executive chair ever had abler-were well satisfied that territory would constitute the indemnity, and that if the bones of the Mexican troops bleached upon all the hills and valleys, and every Mexican fortress was taken, still there would be no formal, authoritative peace, unless the Mexican coffers were, at least, partially replenished. To be prepared for such an emergency was the sole object of this measure. But, if new territory was acquired by treaty in these southern latitudes, the opposition party in Congress wished to bar the door, in advance, to the further extension of slavery. That question, and all other questions emanating from this domestic institutionis peculiarly dear to the southern members of this

confederacy of States-the administration and its friends in the two Houses of Congress desired, for the present, to ignore. This was the apple of discord, and pertinaciously thrown into all the debates. General Cass deprecated it. He viewed the honor of his country as paramount. When peace prevailed along the borders of the Republic, he would meet this question of extension and act as justice and patriotism might dictate. He did not even stoop to mention the topic, much less to discuss it, but confined his remarks to the immediate subject under consideration. We take another

extract:

"So much for the difficulties; now for the results. Let me remark, in the first instance, sir, that not a movement, as I understand, relating to operations on the northeast frontier of Mexico, has been directed from the seat of government, which has not met the approbation of the distinguished officer who has connected his own name with the history of his country by his victories in the valley of the Rio Grande. So much is due to himself and the administration. His own movements he was free to direct and control. Immediately after the declaration of war, he was requested to communicate to the government his views as to what should be the future operations on the Rio Grande, and the movement he proposed to make before the rainy season.

"General Taylor, in answer, stated very clearly the nature of the operations which should take place, and the difficulties attending them, resulting principally from deficient means of transportation, and from a want of breadstuffs. Considering the distance from Camargo to Mexico, and the nature of the country, and its want of resources, he looked upon that line of operations as an impracticable one. He was, therefore, of opinion that operations upon that frontier should be confined to cutting off the northern provinces, and, in that point of view, he thought the expedition to Chihuahua of great importance. He says he has abstained from any reference to movements against Tampico or Vera Cruz, because the yellow fever would not have permitted us to hold either, and he deemed it best to undertake no movement in that direction, at that season of the year. He proposed the taking of Tampico when the season should favor, which would not be until November or December. So far as I have been permitted to see the corres pondence, I find nothing which controls the discretion of General

Taylor. Views are indicated and suggestions made, and very properly made; but he is left to act as his own judgment indicates, in the operations intrusted to him. And it is but an act of justice, sir, to say, that the instructions of the War Department are prepared with ability and a wise forecast, creditable to the officer at the head of it. They will bear the test of the severest scrutiny.

"Three columns then, sir, moved upon Mexico. One under General Taylor, invading its north-eastern frontier; another under General Wool, striking at the provinces higher up the Rio Grande, and in communication with the preceding column, and subject to the order of General Taylor; and a third entered New Mexico and took possession of its capital, Santa Fe. It thence moved on, through California to the Pacific, where it has no doubt arrived ere this time, and where it will eventually put itself in communication with the regiment sent by sea from New York, when the whole force will unite and occupy the commanding points of the country. Our flag now waves upon the shores of the Pacific as well as upon those of the Atlantic; and from the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of California, a distance, following the boundary of our possessions, of almost two thousand miles, we have overrun and occupied the enemy's territory. I have caused an estimate rather a vague one, indeed to be made of the extent of country belonging to Mexico which we hold, and I am informed it exceeds six hundred thousand square miles, while the portion yet subject to the Mexican government contains but about four hundred thousand square miles; and the population of the region possessed by us amounts to at least one million of inhabitants. In the mean time, three splendid victories have been gained, and the Mexican coast blockaded and almost hermetically sealed; and we are yet in the ninth month of the war. I shall not stop, sir, to speak of the results in terms of eulogy. They need no such tribute from me; they speak for themselves, and appeal to the head and heart of every American, in justification of the conduct of the government of his country, and the armies sent out to maintain her honor. Looking at the distance and the difficulties of the operations, to do this required energy."

General Cass was in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war. In his judgment, that was the course to pursue to save the

shedding of blood and the loss of treasure, and to bring the war to a speedy and successful result. Subsequent events showed that he was right. It was known that the administration consulted him, in advance, relative to the measures to be brought forward, and consequently his action was at all times regarded with interest. He was equal to the emergency; and both in the committee rooms and on the floor of the Senate his suggestions were heeded, and, in the main, followed by the two Houses.

CHAPTER XXXV.

The Prospect of Peace- The Three Million Bill again-Wilmot Proviso again-General Cass on the Proviso-Peace with Mexico-The Nicholson Letter-Its Effect on Public Opinion.

With the success of the war, and as it became more and more evident that a peace would be conquered, members of both Houses of Congress, and of both the Whig and Democratic parties, who could not brook the idea of an extension of the area of slave territory, became more and more importunate to close the door to such extension by legislation. Hence, whenever there was a war or peace bill up for consideration, every effort was made to embarrass action, by urging the adoption of some such principle as that contained in Mr. Wilmot's proviso. It was evident enough, that more territory would be obtained upon the conclusion of peace. The chances that such additional territory would be adopted to slave labor increased, and finally resolutions were, from time to time, offered, declaratory of future' legislation upon this subject.

At the thirtieth Congress, in the winter of 1847, in pursuance of the President's recommendation, a bill was introduced appropriating three millions of dollars to enable him to enter into negotiations for the restoration of peace with Mexico. Mr. Webster moved the proviso as an amendment-in other words, if such negotiation resulted in the cession of more territory from Mexico, it should forever remain free from slavery. The issue presented was war or the proviso, or an inglorious peace or the proviso. It was war or the proviso, because southern members would not vote for the bill with the proviso as a rider to it. It was an inglorious peace or the proviso, because northern members would not vote for the bill without the proviso. Without the money, it was apparent the government could not prevail upon Santa Anna to come to an amicable treaty, for his people would not sustain him. He would continue to fight, and hold his ground somewhere in Mexico. In that event, it would be necessary for the United