offers indicating the facts which seem to make such separation a necessity." Mr. Fish, Sec. of State, to Mr. Motley, min. to England, Jan. 14, 1870, MS. During 1869 and 1870 the question of the cession of Canada to the United (2) SALVADOR. "The province of St. Salvador, one of the constituent States of the Republic of Guatemala, by a solemn decree of its Congress, freely chosen by the people, did on the 5th day of December, 1822, propose its annexation to our own Union, as one of the United States. This measure was adopted as an expedient for escaping from the oppression with which they were menaced, of being annexed by force to the Mexican Empire while under the government of Yturbide. For the purpose of carrying it into effect three commissioners were despatched with full powers, who came to the United States, and in the beginning of September, 1823, repaired to the city of Washington. In the interval between the time of their appointment and that of their arrival here a revolution in Mexico had overthrown the government of Yturbide, and the Republican rulers who succeeded to his power acknowledged the right of the people of Guatemala to institute a government for themselves, and withdrew all claim of supremacy over them. This course of events superseded the determination which the Congress of St. Salvador had formed, of offering to unite their fortunes with our Confederation." Mr. Clay, Sec. of State, to Mr. Williams, chargé d'affaires to the Federation of the Centre of America, Feb. 10, 1826, MS. Inst. to U. States Ministers, XI. 5. (3) CUBA. "7 February [1823]. I had some interesting conversation to-day with Mr. Poinsett concerning . . . Cuba, where he has lately been on public service. . . . Cuba, he says, is ripe for union with the U. S. whenever Spain is forced to change her constitution. Even the old Spaniards, and the Creoles to a man-he had direct communi cations to this effect with many of their most influential characters. They do not, however, desire any change until Spain compels it by some radical alterations in her present constitution. Whenever she does Cuba will ask for our protection and for admission into the Union. If we reject them they will then apply to England. But at present, Mr. P. says, they are extremely averse to her superintendence. There have been two English agents at Havana for some time. Cuba has had an agent here in communication with our Government. His name is Morales. "It is a very momentous measure for the decision of this country. Much may be said against it. But I have long tho't that whenever Cuba presents herself, without any forcing or manoeuvring on our part, we must e'en take the goods. the Gods provide us. The Western States are all anxiety for it. To them Cuba in British hands would be intolerable. The Southern States have no objection. The middle and east would consent, tho' the latter perhaps not freely, as it would add immensely to a preponderance which they see with jealousy and dread already." Diary of Mr. Ingersoll, Life of Charles Jared Ingersoll, 111-112. "These islands [Cuba and Porto Rico], from their local position are natural appendages to the North American continent, and one of them [Cuba], almost in sight of our shores, from a multitude of considerations has become an object of transcendent importance to the commercial and political interests of our Union. Its commanding position, with reference to the Gulf of Mexico and the West India seas; the character of its population; its situation midway between our southern coast and the island of San Domingo; its safe and capacious harbor of the Havana, fronting a long line of our shores destitute of the same advantage; the nature of its productions and of its wants, furnishing the supplies and needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable and mutually beneficial, give it an importance in the sum of our national interests with which that of no other foreign territory can be compared, and little inferior to that which binds the different members of this Union together. Such, indeed, are, between the interests of that island and of this country, the geographical, commercial, moral, and political relations formed by nature, gathering, in the process of time, and even now verging to maturity, that, in looking forward to the probable course of events for the short period of half a century, it is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our Federal republic will be indispensable to the continuance and integrity of the Union itself. "It is obvious, however, that for this event we are not yet prepared. Numerous and formidable objections to the extension of our territorial dominions beyond sea present themselves to the first contemplation of the subject; obstacles to the system of policy by which alone that result can be compassed and maintained are to be foreseen and surmounted, both from at home and abroad; but there are laws of political as well as of physical gravitation; and if an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, can not choose but fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union, which, by the same law of nature, can not cast her off from its bosom." Mr. Adams, Sec. of State, to Mr. Nelson, min. to Spain, Apr. 28, 1823, Br. and given in Am. St. Pap. For. Rel. V. 408. "I candidly confess that I have ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our system of States. The control which, with Florida point, this island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries and the Isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose waters flow into it, would fill up the measure of our political well-being." Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Monroe, Oct. 24, 1823, S. Doc. 26, 57 Cong. 1 sess. "If Cuba were annexed to the United States, we should not only be relieved from the apprehensions which we can never cease to feel for our own safety and the security of our commerce whilst it shall remain in its present condition; but human foresight can not anticipate the beneficial consequences which would result to every portion of our Union. This can never become a local question. "1. With suitable fortifications at the Tortugas, and in possession of the strongly fortified harbor of Habana as a naval station on the opposite coast of Cuba, we could command the outlet of the Gulf of Mexico between the peninsula of Florida and that island. This would afford ample security both to the foreign and coasting trade of the Western and Southern States which seek a market for their surplus productions through the ports of the Gulf. "2. Under the Government of the United States, Cuba would become the richest and most fertile island of the same extent throughout the world. . . . "It would be difficult to estimate the amount of bread-stuffs, rice, cotton, and other agricultural, as well as manufacturing and mechanical productions; of lumber, of the products of our fisheries and of other articles which would find a market in that island, in exchange for their coffee, sugar, tobacco and other productions. This would go on, increasing with the increase of its population and the development of its resources; and all portions of the Union would be benefited by the trade. "Desirable, however, as the possession of the island may be to the United States, we would not acquire it except by the free consent of Spain. Any acquisition not sanctioned by justice and honor, would be dearly purchased. Whilst such is the determination of the President, it is supposed that the present relations between Cuba and Spain might incline the Spanish Government to cede the island to the United States, upon the payment of a fair and full consideration. "The apprehension which existed for many years after the origin. of this Government, that the extension of our federal system would endanger the Union, seems to have passed away. Experience has proved that this system of confederated Republics, under which the Federal Government has charge of the interests common to the whole, whilst local governments watch over the concerns of the respective States, is capable of almost indefinite extension, with increasing strength. This, however, is always subject to the qualification that the mass of the population must be of our own race, or must have been educated in the school of civil and religious liberty. With this qualification, the more we increase the number of confederated States, the greater will be the strength and security of the Union; because the more dependent for their mutual interests will the several parts be upon the whole and the whole upon the several parts. "It is true that of the 418,291 white inhabitants which Cuba contained in 1841, a very large proportion is of the Spanish race. Still many of our citizens have settled on the island and some of them are large holders of property. Under our Government it would speedily be Americanized, as Louisiana has been. "Within the boundaries of such a federal system alone, can a trade, exempt from duties and absolutely free, be enjoyed. With the possession of Cuba, we should have throughout the Union, a free trade on a more extended scale than any which the world has ever witnessed— arousing an energy and activity of competition which would result in a most rapid improvement in all that contributes to the welfare and happiness of the human race. What state would forego the advantages of this vast free trade with all her sisters, and place herself in lonely isolation! "But the acquisition of Cuba would greatly strengthen our bond of Union. Its possession would secure to all the States within the valley of the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico, free access to the ocean; but this security could only be preserved whilst the shipbuilding and navigating States of the Atlantic shall furnish a navy sufficient to keep open the outlets from the Gulf to the Ocean. Cuba, justly appreciating the advantages of annexation, is now ready to rush into our arms. Once admitted she would be entirely dependent for her prosperity and even existence, upon her connection with the Union; whilst the rapidly increasing trade between her and the other States, would shed its benefits and its blessings over the whole. Such a state of mutual dependence, resulting from the very nature of things, the world has never witnessed. This is what will insure the perpetuity of our Union. "With all these considerations in view, the President believes that the crisis has arrived when an effort should be made to purchase the Island of Cuba from Spain, and he has determined to entrust you with the performance of this most delicate and important duty. The attempt should be made, in the first instance, in a confidential conversation with the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs. A written offer might produce an absolute refusal in writing, which would embarrass us, hereafter, in the acquisition of the Island. Besides, from the incessant changes in the Spanish Cabinet and policy, our desire to make the purchase might thus be made known in an official form to Foreign Governments and arouse their jealousy and active opposition. Indeed, even if the present Cabinet should think favorably of the proposition, they might be greatly embarrassed by having it placed on record; for, in that event, it would almost certainly, through some channel, reach the opposition, and become the subject of discussion in the Cortes. Such delicate negotiations, at least in their incipient stages, ought always to be conducted in confidential conversation, and with the utmost secrecy and despatch. "At your interviews with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, you might introduce the subject by referring to the present distracted condition of Cuba, and the danger which exists that the population will make an attempt to accomplish a revolution. This must be well known to the Spanish Government. In order to convince him of the good faith and friendship towards Spain with which this Government has acted, you might read to him the first part of my despatch to General Campbell, and the order issued by the Secretary of War to the Commanding General in Mexico, and to the officer having charge of the embarkation of our troops at Vera Cruz. You may then touch delicately upon the danger that Spain may lose Cuba by a revolution in the Island, or that it may be wrested from her by Great Britain, should a rupture take place between the two countries, arising out of the dismissal of Sir Henry Bulwer, and be retained to pay the Spanish debt due to the British bondholders. You might assure him, that whilst this Government is entirely satisfied that Cuba shall remain under the dominion of Spain, we should in any event resist its acquisition by any other nation. And, finally you might inform him, that under all these circumstances, the President had arrived at the conclusion that Spain might be willing to transfer the island to the United States for a fair and full consideration. You might cite as a precedent, the cession of Louisiana to this country by Napoleon, under somewhat similar circumstances, when he was at the zenith of his power and glory. I have merely presented these topics in their natural order, and you can fill |