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something about me like a certificate, pass, or what you think fit, to prevent being questioned, searcht, or detained, by any accident, wch often happens on the road; the nature and manner of such a thing I remit to y' judgement. It will be very necessary that I should be provided against ye impertinence of a country justice. The poem, Sr of ye Diet of P-d, I omitted to mension to you last night; but certainly t'will be very necessary to carry into ye country with me; and as I am sure of its being very usefull, I cannot but importune you to let me perfect it, and turn it abroad into the world. I expect strange effects from it as to ye house. The other papers which I purposed to furnish, I referr, wth yr license to send you per post: Perticularly some notes relating to ye Parliam' and a scheme of an office for secret intelligence, at home and abroad. This last, as I kno' you are not ignorant of the vallue, ye magnitude, and necessity of ye design, wth ye want of such a thing in this nation, so I shall take time, while I am abroad, to finish a perfect scheme, and such a one as I hope you will approve, and put in practice; that, if possible, the affaires of all Europe may lye constantly before you in a true light, and you may kno' what is a doeing all over Europe, even before 'tis a doeing; and in this weighty particular, go beyond all that ever were in that place before you. I confess Sr I had the enclosed papers in my pocket when I was wth you, but was unwilling to rob myself of so much of y' obliging conversation as to produce ym. I commit ym to your serious thoughts as a subject (pardon me if I think amiss,) not at all trivial, and at present much wisht for in ye nation. When I, S take the freedom to lay any of these things before you, 'tis for you to judge from as you think fit; I hope you will not find me assuming either a positive determination, or so much as arguing absolutely; I may mistake, the whole town may mistake; though in

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this case I doubt they do not. However, I am forward to lay such things before you, because I cannot but think 'tis necessary you should kno' in this, as well as any thing else, what the people say.

I am, Sr,

Y' most obed' &c." (F)

(F) De Foe's name is not to this letter; but its contents sufficiently authenticate it.-See Birch's MSS. 4291.

CHAPTER XVII.

Parliamentary Elections.-De Foe's Zeal for the Return of Peaceable Members. His Censure of Bribery and Corruption.—Announces a Work upon the Subject.-Lays it Aside-His Account of the Disturbances at Coventry. He is Threatened for his Freedom-And Ridicules his Assailants.-The Elections terminate in favour of the Whigs.-Drake's "Mercurius Politicus."-Violence of the Tories.-Some Sticklers for the Church Characterized.-De Foe Unmasks their Pretences.—And Satirizes their Measures-His Description of a High-Flyer-Account of "Drake's Memorial of the Church of England."—Reflections upon the Politics of his Party.-The work presented by the Grand JuryAnd Burnt-Proclamation to Apprehend the Author.-De Foe recommends its Dispersion as the best Antidote.-He Satirizes it in the “Review.”—And Answers it in "The High Church Legion."-De Foe Attacked in a Pamphlet by Pittis.-Toland publishes "The Memorial of the State of England."—It is attacked by Stephens.—For which he is Prosecuted.-Toland draws up a Reply.-But suppresses it.

1705.

THE parliamentary elections that took place this summer, gave rise to fresh contests in the nation. Each party put out its strength to secure the return of favourite candidates, and the press was industriously employed for the same object. An active politician like De Foe, could not remain silent upon so important an occasion; he, therefore, caused his voice to be heard in the Review, which he devoted to the interests of liberty and good feeling. He strongly reprobates the violence manifested by the people; exposes the pretensions of the high-flyers; and earnestly exhorts his countrymen to choose men of peace and good morals,

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who have ability to serve the state, and are zealous for the Protestant religion.

Being himself a freeholder, and having a vote for the city, in right of his livery, he had often noticed with concern the bad practices that took place at elections. "We have lately had two or three Acts of Parliament," says he, "to prevent bribery and corruption at elections. I have already noted that we have in England the best laws the worst executed of any nation in the world. Never was treating, bribing, buying of voices, freedoms, and freeholds, and all the corrupt practices in the world so open and barefaced, as since these severe laws were enacted." He had, in the early part of the year, advertised a book, intitled "A New Test of the Efficacy and Extent of English Acts of Parliament; being a Collection of the Briberies, Feastings, Drunkenness, Caballings, Treatings, Corruptions, Conveying of Freeholds, making Freemen, and horrid Practices, now in their full and free exercise in this miserably divided Nation, for debauching the Voices of the Electors in the choice of a new Parliament, before the present House is dissolved. Dedicated to the Inhabitants of Cirencester, in the County of Gloucester." The reason he assigns for laying aside the work, is as follows: "When I came to enter into the vast field, I found such an ocean of villany, such a depth of corruption, that it was endless to finish it, having no leisure to write large volumes in folio upon so unpleasant a subject."

The election for the city of Coventry, afforded a melancholy example of the prevalence of a factious spirit. Of so little avail was the civil power, that large parties of 500 or 1000 upon a side, were to be seen in the streets, drawn up in battle array, and sometimes fighting with all the fury and animosity imaginable. The consequences that followed

*Review, ii. 125,

RIOTS AT COVENTRY.

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were such as might be expected to the parties concerned; but they had an unhappy influence upon the freedom of election, many being deterred from voting by mere terror, and others who had no right, taking their place by club-law. De Foe, who appears to have been in the city at the time, gives a curious account of the mode in which the election was conducted. It seems that all freemen had a right to vote, yet there was no list of them, nor was any man sworn at the poll; and as no books were kept, so there could be no such thing as a scrutiny afterwards. De Foe strongly reprehends the conduct of the civil power, for not resorting to legal means to suppress the riots, and bring the offenders to justice. "In vain we talk of peace," says he, "if the mob must prevail over the magistracy, and the club oppress the halbert; no more let us talk of the freedom of elections, if they must be carried by strength of hands, and not by number of voices." He tells them, that "If nothing but troops of horse will keep them quiet, they must thank themselves; the peace must be maintained." For the last sentiment, he drew upon himself the anger of Tutchin, who accused him of wishing to overawe elections, by the presence of the military. But for this imputation, says he, "There is not the least shadow but his own rash and unrighteous conclusion; and no man but Mr. Observator, whose talent is to be abusive, and his temper ungrateful, even from King William himself to me, the meanest of his benefactors, could have forged such a suggestion. The freedom of election is a thing as sacred as any part of our constitution.” *

De Foe has many excellent remarks upon the subject of parliamentary elections. He strongly reprobates the undue influence exercised by landlords, magistrates, and clergymen, and observes, that ""Till the freeholders will forbear to be

Review, ii. 134, 5.