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Gorin, Hammond, Houston, Hunter, Iverson, Johnson (Ark) retaining as a part of the new State the western
Johnson (Tenn.),
Jones, Kennedy, Mallory, Mason,

Polk, gold region about Pike's Peak, which was Pugh, Sebastian, Thompson (N.J.), Toombs, Wright, Yulee.

NAYS.---Messrs. Broderick, Cameron, Chandler, Colla.. beginning to attract great numbers of imni. mer, Crittenden, Dixon, Doolittle, Douglas, Durkee, i grants; for the exclusion from the State of Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Hamlin, Harlan, King, free negroes, and for the prohibition of bank Seward, Simmons, Stuart, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson. PAIRED.-Bell with Pearce, Fitch with Sumner.

issues, but had been defeated as to all these ABSENT. --Clark, Bates, Henderson, Reid, Thompson points. Ky.), Slidell. In the House, on the final vote, among those who had ries of the new State were declared to be the

By the Constitutiou, as adopted, the boundavoted against the original Lecompton Biù and who now supported the English scheme, were Gilmer, Am., of N. C., State of Missouri on the east, the 37th parallel and the following Democrats, viz. : English and Foley, of north latitude on the south, the 41st parallel of Ind ; Cockerill, Cox, Groesbeck, Hall, Lawrence and of north latitude on the north, and the 230 Pendleton, of Ohio; and Owen Jones, of Pa. Gen. Quitman, of Mississippi, and Mr. Bonham, of 8. c., fire meridian of longitude west from Washington eaters, voted No, and the following members “paired on the west. The western boundary cuts off off,” viz.: Washburn (Wis.) with Arnold; Matteson with the Pike's Peak region and the desert which Reuben Davis ; Purviance with Dimmick; Morrill with Faulkner; Horton with Hill; J. C. Kunkel with Miles bounds it on the east, and limits the new State Taylor; Montgomery with Warren ; Thompson with to the habitable eastern portion of the Terri. Stewart (Md.); and Wood with George Taylor. tory, embracing an area of some sixty thousand

In accordance with this act of Congress, square miles. The Executive is to consist of a the people of Kansas went into an election on Governor, Secretary of State, Auditor, Attor. the 3d of August, 1858. Notwithstanding the ney-General, and Superintendent of Public liberal offers in regard to donations to Kansas Schools, to be chosen by the people, and to of public lands, in this bill, and the threat that serve for two years. The House of Represenif the people did not accept a State Government tatives is to consist of seventy-five miembers, to with the Lecompton Constitution, they should serve one year, and the Senate of twenty-five not be permitted to come in as a Siate with Senators, to serve two years, the numbers to be any Constitution, till they should have a full regulated by law, but never to exceed one population of 93,340, still

, the Lecompton Con- hundred Representatives, and thirty-three Senastitution was again rejected by more than ten tors. The pay is to be three dollars a day and thousand majority. This may be regarded as fifteen cents per mile travel. All bills must the final disposition of this famous Constitution. originate with the House, and no act can inFrom first to last, it had been the cause or the clude more than one subject. The Supreme subject of more speeches in Congress than any Court is to consist of three Judges, to be. measure ever brought before that body.

chosen by the people, to hold office for six

years, one to go out every two years. There THE WYANDOT CONSTITUTION.

are to be five District Judges, to be chosen by The Territorial Legislature passed an act the people of their respective districts, and to (Feb. 11, 1859) to refer the question to the serve for four years. Each county is to choose people of a new Constitutional Convention, the a Judge of Probate, to serve for two years, election to be held on the first Tuesday in and each township is to choose Justices of the March, 1869. The election was held, and Peace, to serve also for two years. Elections resulted in a majority of 3,881 in favor of a are to be by ballot. Every white male adult Convention. This result being ascertained, the who is a citizen of the United States, or who has Governor issued his proclamation for an elec- declared his intention to become one, having tion of delegates. The old party organizations been a resident in the State for six months, and were now abandoned, and those of Republicans in the precinct for thirty days, is entitled to vote. and Democrats substituted, and it was on this The State is prohibited from becoming a basis that the canvass for the election of dele- party in carrying on any work of internal imgates proceeded. The Convention was to provement, nor can any debt, to exceed a milconsist of fifty-two delegates. The Democrats lion of dollars, be contracted, unless the ques. proclaimed themselves disciples of Mr. Douglas tion be previously submitted to, and the debt and bis Territorial Sovereignty doctrine, and authorized by, a popular vote; and in all cases decidedly opposed to making Kansas a Slave a special tax must be levied sufficient to pay the State. The Leavenworth district, where, interest and provide a sinking fund adequate through its contractors for army supplies, thé to meet the principal when it becomes due. All Government exercised a great influence, and corporations, banks included, must be estabwhich from its population was entitled to ten lished under general laws only, and the corpo. delegates, elected the Democratic ticket, not, rators made liable to twice the amount of their however, without the aid of fraudulent votes. stock. The sale of lottery tickets is prohibited. But the Republicans, by their predominance in The schedule annexe to the Coustitution other parts of the Territory, succeeded in claimed of Congress $500,000, or in lieu theresecuring a majority in the Convention of thirty- of 600,000 acres of land, to meet the claims five to seventeen.

audited to nearly that amount for losses in. The Convention met at Wyandot on the 5th curred by citizens of Kansas during the late of July, and adjourned on the 27th of the same troubles. The Commissioners had declined to month, after adopting a Constitution by a vote entertain the claim of the New-England Emi. of thirty-four to thirteeu, all the Democrats grant Aid Society, to the amount of $25,000, present voting against it and refusing to sign for the destruction of their hotel at Lawrence, it. They had strenuously contended, in the on the ground that they had no authority to Convention, for the annexation to Kansas of act on any claims except those presented by that part of Nebraska south of the Platte ; for citizens of Kansas, and the Convention des

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clined to go beyond the report of the Commis- Davis, Edmundson, English (Indiana), Garnett, Gar sioners.

troll, GILMER, Hamilton, Hardeman, John T. Harris, A grant is asked from Congress of 4,650,000 son, Jenkins, Jones, Keitt, Lamur, JAMES M. LEACE,

Harókins, Hill, Hindman, Houston, Hughes Juckacres of land for internal improvements, also. Leake, Love, MALLORY, MAYNARD, McQueen, McRae, the swamp lands of the State to be appropriated | Milos, Millson, LABAN T. MOORE, Sydenham Moore, Na?

son, Noell, Pugh, QUARLES, Reagan Ruffin, Scott (Cal.), as a school fund.

Sickles (N. Y.), Simms, Singleton. Wm. Smith, W. N. H. Prefixed to the Constitution is a Bill of SMITH, Stallworth, Stevenson, STOKES, Thomas, VANCE, Rights, which includes a prohibition of Slavery. Whitely, Winsloro, Woodson. This Bill of Rights also provid

55 that no person Democrats, in Italics, (3 from Free

States),

Americans, in SMALL CAPS (all from Slave States), 18 shall be incompetent to testify on account of his religious belief.

Total, By a provision of the schedule, this Constitu- PAIREDD a vis (Indiana), with Pholpe. on was submitted to a popular vote on the

Sherman with HARRIS, of Md.

Wade with Peyton. first Tuesday in October, which resulted in its

Somes with McClay (N.Y.) ratification by the people by a majority of some

Van Wyck with Underwood. four thousand. The Territorial election in

Burroughs with Dejarnette. November attracted but little interest from the

ABSENT UNPAIRED-- Davis (Mis.), Landrum, Martin,

(Va.), Kunkel. general expectation of the admission of the Štate under the new Constitution. The Repub

Senate, Feb. 21st. -Mr. Seward introduced a licans, however, succeeded in electing their bill for the admission of Kansas under the delegate to Congress and a majority of the Wyandotte Constitution. Legislature.

On the 5th June, this bill being under conThe first State Election under this Constitu- sideration, tion was held December 6, 1859, and resulted Mr. Wigfall, of Tex., explained his views. He dein the election of Charles Robinson (Rep.) as clared he would not vote for the admission of this so

called State, under any circumstances. He objected to Governor by 2513 majority. Martin F. Con their moral character, and was not willing Texas should way (Rep.) for Congress by 2107 majority, and associate with such a state. the entire Republican ticket for State officers (taking in Pike's Peak), was discussed by Mr. Wade,

Mr. Greene's amendment, to change the boundary by majorities ranging from 2000 to 2,500, also who said the effect of the amendment would be to defeat a Legislature which was Republican in both the bill. branches by very decided majorities.

Mr. Hunter moved to postpone the subject, and take up the

Army bill. Feb. 15—Mr. Grow introduced in the House,

Mr. Trumbull opposed the motion. He should keep a bill to admit Kansas under the Wyandot Con- the Kansas bill before the Senate till it was finally disatitution. Referred to Committee on Territo- posed of. It was more important than the appropriries, which (March 29th) reported (majority) interrupt other important business.

ation bills, which appeared to be kept back in order to through Mr. Grow in favor of admission.

Mr. Seward hoped the friends of Kansas would let & April 11.-Mr. Grow demanded the Previous wote be taken, so that the responsibility might lie where

it belonged. Question on the passage of the Bill, which

The vote was taken by yeas and nays, and resulted, was seconded, and the main question ordered. Yeas, 82 ; Nays, 27. It was a strict party vote, except

Mr. Barksdale, demanded the Yeas and Nays that Messrs Pugh (Dem., Ohio) and Latham (Dem., -ordered.

Cal.) voted with the Republicans not to postpone. Mr.

Kennedy (8. Am., Md.) voted with the Democrats. The question was then taken, and decided in Messrs. Crittenden (S. Am., Ky.), Douglas, Clay, (Dem. the affirmative : Yeas, 134; Nays, 73, as follows: Ala.), and Nicholson (Dem., Tenn ) were absent. Messrs.

Yeas-Messrs. Chas. F. Adams, A drain, Aldrich, Douglas and clay were paired. Allon, Alley, Ashley, Babbitt, Barr, Barrett, Beale, bill prevailed.

So the motion to postpone, and take up the Army Bingham, Blair (Pa.), Blake, Brayton, BRIGGS, Buffinton, Burch, Burlingame, Burnham, Butterfield, Campbell, Senator from Pennsylvania (Bigler) desired to postpone

Mr. Trumbull called attention to the fact that the Carey, Carter, čase, Horace F. Clark,

Clark B. Coch- the Kansas bill because the Senate was not full. rane, John Cochrane, Colfax, Conkling, Oooper, Corwin, vote showed that sixty votes had been cast, with two

Tire Covode, Coco, Curtis, Dawes, Delano, Duell, Dunn, Edger- paired off

, showing the fullest vote of the session. ton, Edwards, Elliot, Ely, ETHERIDGE, Farnsworth, Fenton, Ferry, Florence, Foster, Fouko, Frank, French, Gooch, lent to the defeat of the Kansas bill, and the Senator

He said the effect of the vote just taken was equiraGrow, Gurley, Hale, Hall, H askin, Helmick, Hick from Pennsylvania

must have known the effect of his vote. man, Hoard, Holman, Howard (Ohio), Humphry, Hutchins, Irvine, Junkin, Francis W. Kellogs, William Kelloge, the House had once defeated the Army bill, because

it

Mr. Wigfall desired to call attention to the fact that Kenyon, Kilgore, Killinger, Larrabee, De Witt C. Leach, did not want the army used against the Black Republic Lee, Logan, Longnecker, Loomis, Lovejoy, Marston, Chas. D. Martin, Mcõlernand, McKean, McKnight, McPher: can thieves and murderers in Kansas. son, Wm. Montgomery, Moorehead, Morrill, Edward Joy June 7.-Mr. Wade, of Ohio, moved to take Morris, Isaac . Morris, Morse, Niblack Nixon, Olin, up the Kansas bill, which was lost-as follows: Palmer, Pondleton, Perry, Pettit, Porter, Potter, Pottle, Rice, Riggs, Christopher Robinson, James C. Robin.

YBAS-Messrs. Anthony, Bigler, Bingham, Cameron, son, Royce, schwartz, Scranton, Sedgwick, Spauld Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Durkee, ing, Spinner, Stanton, Stevens, Wm. Stewart, Stout, Strat- Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Hamlin, Harlan, ton, Tappan, Thayer, Theaker, Tompkins, Train, Trimble, King,

Pugh, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck. Trum. Vallandigham, Vandever, Verree, Waldron, Walton, bull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wilson, Republicans, 25 ; DemoC.O. Washburn, E. B. Washburne, Israel Washburn, WEB- crats, (Bigler and Pugh) 2—27.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Benjamiu, Bragg, Bright, STER, Wells, Wilson, Windom, Wood, Woodruff. Republicans, in Roman,

Brown, Chesnut, Clingman, Davis, Fitch, Fitzpatrick, 103

Greene, Gwin, Hammond, Hemphill, Hunter, Iverson, Democrats (from Free States.), in Italice,

22

Johnson, (Tenn.) Lane, Latham, Mallory, Mason, Nichot Anti-Lecompton Democrats, Roman spaced,

son, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Rice, Sebastian, Slidell, ThomAmericans, in SMALL CAPS,

son, Toombs, Wigfall, Yulee.-32. [Al Democrats.] Total,

184 Mr. Douglas was paired with Mr. Clay; NAYS–Messrs. GREEN ADAMS, Thos. L. Andør son, WM. Crittenden (Am.), with Johnson, of Ark., Ken. C. ANDERSON. Ashmoro, Avery Barkedalo, Booock, Bon. nedy and Saulsbury absent. ham, BOTELER, Boyce, BRABSON Branch, BRISTOW, Bur. nett, John B. Clark, Clopton, Cobb, James Craig,

So both Houses adjourned and left Kansas Burton Craige, Craroford, Curry, Davidson, HENRY W. I still in the condition of a Territory.

6
8

THE NEBRASKA DOCTRINE

AND

THE

DRED SCOTT DECISION REVIEWED. s Ꭰ

.

SPEECH OF THE HON. ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

At Springfield, Ill., June 17, 1858.

"

[The following speech was delivered at Springfield, II., at | Slavery.” “Not we,” said the friends of the measure,
the close of the Republican State Convention held at that and down they voted the amendment.
time and place, and by which Convention Mr. Lincoln had

While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, been named as their date for S. Senator.]

a law case involving the question of a negro's freedom, MR. PRESIDENT, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken himi If we could first know where we are, and whither we first into a Free State and then into a Territory covered are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how by the Congressional prohibition, and held him as to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a a slave for a long time in each, was passing through policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confi- the United States Circuit Court for the District of Misdent promise, of putting an end to Slavery agitation. souri ; and both Nebraska bill and law suit were brought Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In negro's name was “ Dred Scott,” which name now desig. my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have nates the decision finally made in the case. Before the been reached and passed. "A house divided against then next Presidential Election, the law case came to, itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not States ; but the decision of it was deferred until after expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the the election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumhouse to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. bull, on the floor of the Senate, requested the leading It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion opponents of lavery will arrest the further spread of it, whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally and place it where the public mind shall rest in the be- exclude Slavery from their limits; and the latter an. lief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its swers : “That is a question for the Supreme Court. advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as indorsement, such as it was, secured That was the second well as South.

point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of Have we no tendency to the latter condition?

a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thou. Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that sand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly now almost complete legal combination-piece of ma- reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing President, in chinery, so to speak-compounded of the Nebraska his last annual message, as impressively as possible, doctrine, and the Dred Scott Decision. Let him con- echoed back upon the people the weight and authority sider not only what work the machinery is adapted to of tie indorsement. The Supreme Court met again ; do, and how well adapted; but also, let him study the did not announce their decision, but ordered a re-argu. history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or iather ment. The Presidential inauguration came, and still no fail, if he can, to trace the evidence of design, and con- decision of the court; but the incoming President in his cert of action, among its chief architects, from the be- inaugural address, fervently exhorted the people to ginning

abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might The new year of 1854 found Slavery excluded f.om be. Then in a few days, came the decision. more than half the States by State Constitutions, and The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an from most of the national territory by Congressional early occasion to make as peech at this capital, indorsprohibition. Four days later, commenced the struggle ing the Dred Scott decision, and vehemently denouncwhich ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. ing all opposition to it. The new President, too, seizes This opened all the national territory to Slavery, and the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and was the first point gained.

strongly construe that decision, and to express his a3But, so far, Congress only had acted ; and an indorse- tonishment that any different view had ever been enter. ment by the people, real or apparent, was indispen- tained ! sable, to save the point already gained, and give chance At length a squabble springs up between the President for more.

and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere ques. This necessity had not been overlooked; but had tion of fact, whether the Lecompton Constitution was or been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kanargument of “squatter sovereignty,' otherwise called sas; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he "sacred right of self-government,” which latter phrase, wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not though expressive of the only rightful basis of any gov- whether Slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not ernment, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as understand his declaration that he cares not whether to amount to just this : That if any one man choose to Slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to him other than as an apt definition of the policy he object. That argument was incorporated into the Ne- would impress upon the public mind-- the principle for braska bill itself, in the language which follows: “It which he declares he has suffered so much, and is ready being the true intent and meaning of this act not to to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that legislate Slavery into any Territory or State, nor to ex. principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he clude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof per- cling to it. That principle is the only shred left of his fectly free to form and regulate their domestic institu- original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott tions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution decision “squatter sovereignty” squatted out of exof the United States." Then opened the roar of loose istence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding-like declamation in favor of “Squatter Sovereignty," and the mold at the foundry served through one blast and "sacred right of self-government." “But,” said oppo- fell back into loose sand-helped to carry an election, sition members, "let us amend the bill so as to expressly and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint strug. declare that the people of the Territory may exclude glo with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Con.

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stitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doc- this merely Territorial law? Why are the people of a trine. That struggle was made on a point-the right of Territory and the people of a State therein lumped to a people to make their own constitution-upon which he gether, and their relation to the Constitution therein und the Republicans have never differed.

treated as being precisely the same ? While the opinion The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in con- of the court, by Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott nection with Senator Douglas's “care not" policy, consti- case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring tute the piece of machinery, in its present state of advance- Judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the ment. This was the third point gained. The working United States neither permits Congress nor a Territorial points of that machinery are:

Legislature to exclude Slavery from any United States TerFirst, That no negro slave, imported as such from Af- ritory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same rica, and no descendant of such slave, can ever be a citi- Constitution permits a State, or the people of a State, to zen of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the exclude it. Possibly, this is a mere omission; but who Constitution of the United States. This point is made in can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the benefit of that provision of the United States Constitution, people of a State to exclude Slavery from their limits, just which declares that “The citizens of each State shall be as Chase and Mace sought to get such declaration, in beentitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the half of the people of a territory, into the Nebraska bill—I several States."

ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been voted Secondly, That “subject to the Constitution of the Uni- down in the one case as it had been in the other? The ted States," neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a can exclude Slavery from any United States Territory. State over Slavery, is made by Judge Nelson. He apThis point is made in order that individual men may fill up proaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them almost the language, too, of the Nebraska act. On one as property, and thus to enhance the chances of perma- occasion, his exact language is, “ except in cases where Dency to the institution through all the future.

the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United Thirdly, That whether the holding a negro in actual States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery in a Free State, makes him free, as against the Slavery within its jurisdiction. In what cases the power holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will of the States is so restrained by the United States Constileave to be decided by the courts of any Slave State the tution, is left an open question, precisely as the same negro may be forced into by the master. This point is question, as to the restraint on the power of the Territomade, not to be pressed immediately; but, if acquiesced ries, was left open in the Nebraska act. Put this and that In for awhile, and apparently indorsed by the people at an together, and we have another nice little niche, which we election, then to sustain the logical conclusion that what may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court deDred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott, in cision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully does not permit a Stute to exclude Slavery from its limits. do with any other one, or one thousand slaves, in Illinois, And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of or in any other Free State.

care not whether Slavery be voted down or voted up, Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give prothe Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate mise that such a decision can be maintained when made. and mold public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, Such a decision is all that Slavery now lacks of being not to care whether Slavery is voted down or voted up. alike lawful in all the States. Welcome, or unwelcome, This shows exactly where we now are; and partially, also, such decision is probably coming, and will soon be upon whither we are tending.

us, unless the power of the present political dynasty shall It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly and run the mind over the string of historical facts already dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of stated. Several things will now appear less dark and mys- i making their State free, and we awake to the reality terious than they did when they were transpiring. The instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois & Sları people were to be left "perfectly free," subject only to the State. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty, Constitution. What the Constitution had to do with it, is the work now before all those who would prevent that outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough now, it was consummation. This is what we have to do. How can an exactly fitted niche, for the Dred Scott decision to after we best do it? ward come in, and declare the perfect freedom of the peo- There are those who denounce us openly to their own ple to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amend friends, and yet whisper us softly, that Senator Douglas is ment, expressly declaring the right of the people, voted the aptest instrument there is with which to effect that obo down? Plainly enough now: the adoption of it would ject. They wish us to in fer all, from the fact that he now have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. Why has a little quarrel with the present head of the dynasty; was the court decision held up? Why even a Senator's in- and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, dividual opinion withheld, till after the Presidential elec- upon which he and we have never differed. They remind tion? Plainly enough now: the speaking out then would us that he is a great man, and that the largest of us are have damaged the perfectly free argument upon which the very small ones. Let this be granted. But " a living dog election was to be carried. Why the outgoing President's is better than a dead lion.” Judge Douglas, if not a dead felicitation on the indorsment? Why the delay of a re- lion, for this work, is at least a caged and toothless one. argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhor- How can he oppose the advances of Slavery? He don't tation in favor of the decision? These things look like the care anything about it. His avowed mission is impressing cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse prepara- the "public heart" to care nothing about it. A leading tory to mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-indorsement of talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African the decision by the President and others ?

slave-trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adapta- trade is approaching? He has not said so. Does he really tions are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot think so ? But if it is, how can he resist it? For years be of framed timbers, different portions of which we know has labored to prove it a sacred right of white men to take have been gotten out at different times and places, and by negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he possibly different workmen-Stephen, Franklin, Roger and James, show that it is less a sacred right to buy them where they for instance-and when we see these timbers joined to- can be bought cheapest ? And unquestionably they can gether, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia. He has a mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slathe lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly very to one of a mere right of property; and as such, how adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too can he oppose the foreign slave-trade-how can he refuse many or too few-not omitting even scaffolding-or, if a that trade in that “property" shall be "perfectly free"single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame ex- unless he does it as a protection to the home production ? actly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in-in And as the home producers will probably not ask the prosuch a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Ste- tection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition. phen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightone another from the beginning, and all worked upon a fully be wiser to-day than he was yesterday-that he may common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was rightfully change when he finds himself wrong. But can struck.

we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer that he will It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill

, make any particular change, of which he, himself, has the people of a State as well as a Territory, were to be given no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon left®“ perfectly free," "subject only to the Constitution." any such vague inference! Now, as ever, I wish not to Why mention à State? They were legislating for Territo- misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, question his ries, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to a State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on the United States; but why is mention of this lugged into principle so that our cause may have assistance from his

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great ability, I hope to have interposed no adventitious strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we obstacie. But clearly, he is not now with us he does not gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the pretend to be - he does not promise ever to be.

battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplied, Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted proud and pampered enemy. Did we brave all thein to by, its own undoubted friends--those whose hauds are falter now?-now, when that same enemy is wavering, free, whose hearts are in the work-who do care for the missevered and belligerent? The result is not doubuul. result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation We shall not fail-if we stand firm, we shall not fail. mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We Wise counsels may accelerate, or mistakes de ay it, but, did this under the single impulse oʻresistance to a common sooner or later, the victory is sure to come. lauger, with every external circumstance against us. Or

SLAVERY DISCUSSED BY LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS.

QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS.

MR. LINCOLN'S SPEECH.

At the second Joint Debate, between Mr.

A. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of Slavery

in the District of Columbia. Douglas and Mr. Lincoln, at Freeport, Illinois, Q. 5. “I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged August 27th, 1858, Mr. 'Lincoln spoke as fol to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different

States ? lows:

A. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slaveLADIES AND GENTLEMEN: On Saturday last, Judge trade between the different States.

Q. 6. “I desire to know whether he stands pledged to proDouglas and myself first met in public discussion. He hibit Slavery in all the Territories of the United States, North spoke one hour, 1 an hour and a half, and he replied for as well as South of the Missouri Compromise line ?” half and hour. The order is now reversed. I a to A. I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in speak an hour, he an hour and a half, and then I am to the right and duty of Congress to prohibit Slavery in all tho reply for half an hour. I propose to devote myself during

United States Territories. the first hour to the scope of what was brought within the

Q. 7. “I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to

the acquisition of any new territory unless Slavery is first pro range of his half-hour speech at Ottawa. Of course there hibited herein was brought within the scope in that hal.-hour's speech A. I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of ter. something of his own opening speech, In the course of ritory; and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose that opening argument, Judge Douglas proposed to me such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisi ion seven distinct interrogatories. In my speech of an hour would or would not aggravate the Slavery questiou among and a half, I attended to some other parts of his speech,

ourselves. and incidentally, as I thought, answered one of the in: Now, my friends, it will be perceived upon an examina. terrogatories then. I then distinctly intimated to him tion of these questions and answers, that so far I have that I would answer the rest of his interrogatories on only answered that I was not pledged to this, that or the condition only that he should agree to answer as many other. The Judge has not framed his interrogatories to for me.

He made no intimation at the time of the propo- ask me anything more than this, and I have answered in sition, nor did he in his reply allude at all to that sugges

strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have tion of mine. I do him no injustice in saying that he answered truly that I am not pledged at all upon any occupied at least half of his reply in dealing with me as

of the points to which I have alswered. But I am not though I had refused to answer his interrogatories. I disposed to hang upon the exact form of his iuterrogatory. now propose that I will answer any of the interrogatories, | I ain rather disposed to take up at least some of these upon condition that he will answer questions from me not questions, and state what I really think uprn them. exceeding the same number. I give him an opportunity

As to the first one, in regard to the Fugiiive Slave Law, to respoud. The Judge remains silent. I now say that I I have never hexit ted to say, and I do not now hesitate will answer his interrogatories, whether he answers mine

to say, that I think, under the Constitution of the United or not; and that after I have done so, I shall propound

States, the people of the Southern States are entitled to a mine to hiin,

Cougressional Fugitive Slave Law. Having said that, I I have supposed myself, since the organization of the

have had nothing to sav in regard to the existing Fugitive Republican party at Bloomington, in May, 1856, bound as Slave Law, further than that I think it should have been 3 party man by the platforms of the party, then and since. framed so as to be free from some of the objections that if in any interrogatories which I shall answe go beyond bruch as we’are not now in an agitation in regird to an

pertain to it, without lessening its efficiency. And inasthe scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but n.yself.

alteration or modification of that law, I would not be the Having said thus much, I will take up the Judge's in

man to in'roduce it as a new subject of agitation upon terrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times, the general question of Slavery. and answer them seriatim. In order that there way be In regard to the other question, of whether I am no mistake about it, I have copied the interrog:atories in

pledged to the admission of any more Slave Siates into writing, and also my answers to them. The first of these the Union, I state to you very frankly that I would be interrogatories is in these words:

exceedingly sorry ever to be put in a position of having Question 1. I desire to know whether Lincoln to day pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad etands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of

to know that there would never be another Slave State the Fugi.ive Slave law pin

admitted into the Union; but I must add, that if Slavery Answer. I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the shall be kept out of the Territories during the territorial unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law.

existence of any one given Territory, and then the Q. 2. “I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged people shall, having a fair opportunity and a clear field, to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more Elave States into the Union, even if the people want them ?”

when they come to adopt the Constitution, do such an 4. I do not pow, or ever did, 'stand pledged against the ad- extraordinary thing as adopt a Slave Constitution, unin. mission of any more Slave States into the Union.

fluenced by the actual presence of the institutiou among Q. 3. “I want to know whether he stands pledged against them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but the admission of a new State into the Union with such a Con- to admit them into the Uuion, stitutiou as the people of that State may see fit to make ?"

The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the A. I do rot stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such Constitution as the people or second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second. that State may see fit io inake.

The fourth one is in regard to the abolition «f Siavery Q. 4. "I want to k::ow whether he stands to-day pledged in the District of Columbia. In relation to that, I have 10 the aboli:ion of Savery in the District of Columbia Pi my mind very distiuctly made up. I should be exceed

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