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Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the public by surprise, holding them up to the public as the leading doctrines because, until just before the event, it was unexpected. of the person assailed, and drawing from them their own But really it ought not to have excited any surprise, for uncharitable inferences. That line of attack betrays a such unforeseen nominations are common in our political little mind conscious of its weakness, for the falsity of its *story. Polk and Pierce, by the Democrats, and Harri- logic is not more apparent than the injustice of its deson and Taylor, by the Whigs, were all nominated in this signs. No public man can stand that ordeal, and, howextemporaneous manner-all of them were elected.
I ever willing men may be to see it applied to their adverhave known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and saries, all flinch from the torture when applied to themtherefore have a right to speak of him with some confi- selves. In fact, the man who never said a foolish thing, dence. As an individual, he has earned a high reputation will hardly be able to prove that he ever said many wise for truth, courage, candor, morals, and amiability; so that, ones. as a man, he is most trustworthy. And in this particular, - I consider Mr. Lincoln' a sound, safe, national man. He he is more entitled to our esteem than some other men, his could not be sectional if he tried. His birth, education, equals, who had far better opportunities and aids in early the habits of his life, and his geographical position, comlife. His talents, and the will to use them to the best ad- pel him to be national. All his feelings and interest are vantage, are unquestionable; and the proof is found in the identified with the great valley of the Mississippi, near fact that, in every position in life, from his humble begin- whose centre he has spent his whole life. The valley is ning to his present well-earned elevation, he has more than not a section, but, conspicuously, the body of the nation, fulfilled the best hopes of his friends. And now, in the full and, large as it is, it is not capable of being divided into vigor of his manhood, and in the honest pride of having sections, for the great river cannot be divided. It is one made himself what he is, he is the peer of the first man of and indivisible, and the North and the South are alike the nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his necessary to its comfort and prosperity. Its people, too, cause, against any adversary, and in any field, where mind in all their interests and affections, are as broad and and knowledge are the weapons used.
general as the regions they inhabit. They are emigrants, In politics he has but acted out the principle of his a mixed multitude, coming from every State in the Union, own moral and intellectual character. He has not con- and from most countries in Europe; they are unwilling, cealed his thoughts nor hidden his light under a bushel. therefore, to submit to any one petty local standard. With the boldness of conscious rectitude and the frank- They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its ness of downright honesty, he has not failed to avow his parts, for they are bound to them all, not only by a feelopinions of public affairs upon all fitting occasions. ing of common interest and mutual dependence, but also
This I know may subject him to the carping censure by the recollections of childhood and youth, by blood and of that class of politicians who mistake cunning for wis- friendship, and by all those social and domestic charities dom and falsehood for ingenuity; but such men as Lin which sweeten life, and make this world worth living in, coln must act in keeping with their own characters, and The valley is beginning to feel its power, and will soon be hope for success only by advancing the truth prudently strong enough to dictate the law of the land. Whenever and maintaining it bravely. All his old political ante- that state of things shall come to pass, it will be most cedents are, in my judgment, exactly right, being square fortunate for the nation to find the powers of Government up to the old Whig standard. And as to his views about lodged in the hands of men whose habits of thought, the pestilent negro question," I am not aware that he whose position and surrounding circumstances, constrain has gone one step beyond the doctrines publicly and them to use those powers for general and not sectional habitually avowed by the great lights of the Whig party, ends. Clay, Webster, and their fellows, and indeed sustained I give my opinion freely in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and I
and carried out by the Democrats themselves, in their hope that for the good of the whole country, he may be • Wiser and better days.
elected. But it is not my intention to take any active The following, I suppose, are in brief his opinions up- part in the canvass. For many years past, I have had on that subject : 1. Slavery is a domestic institution little to do with public affairs, and have aspired to no within the states which choose to have it, and it exists political office; and now, in view of the mad excitement within those States beyond the control of Congress. which convulses the country, and the general disruption 2. Congress has supreme legislative power over all the and disorder of parties and the elements which compose Territories, and may, at its discretion, allow or forbid the them, I am more than ever assured that for me, personexistence of Slavery within them. 8. Congress, in wis-ally, there is no political future, and I accept the condi. dom and sound policy, ought not so to exercise its power, tion with cheerful satisfaction. Still, I cannot discharge directly or indirectly, as to plant and establish Slavery myself from the life-long duty to watch the conduct of in any Territory theretofore free. 4. And that it is unwise men in power, and to resist, so far as a mere private man and impolitic in the Government of the United States, to may, the fearful progress of official corruption, which for acquire tropical regions for the mere purpose of convert- several years past has sadly marred and defiled the fair ing them into Slave States.
fabric of our Government. These, I believe, are Mr. Lincoln's opinions upon the If Mr. Lincoln should be elected, coming in as a new
I matter of Slavery in the Territories, and I concur in man at the head of a young party never before in power, them. They are no new inventions, made to suit the ex- he may render a great service to his country, which no igencies of the hour, but have come down to us, as the Democrat could render. He can march straight forward Declaration of Independenc and the Constitution have, in the discharge of his high duties, guided only by his own sanctioned by the venerable authority of the wise and good judgment and honest purposes, without any necessity good men who established our institutions. They are to temporize with established abuses, to wink at the delin, conformable to law, principle and wise policy, and their quencies of old party friends, or to unlearn and discard utility is proven in practice by the as yet unbroken cur- the bad official habits that have grown up under the misrent of our political history. They will prevail, not only government of his Democratic predecessors. In short, he because they are right in themselves, but also because a can be an honest and bold reformer on easier and cheaper great and still growing majority of the people believe terms than any Democratic President can be-for, in prothem to be right; and the sooner they are allowed to ceeding in the good work of cleansing and purifying the prevail in peace and harmony, the better for all con- administrative departments, he will bave no occasion to cerned, as well those who are against them as those who expose the vices, assail the interests, or thwart the ambiare for them.
tion of his political friends. I am aware that smalll partisans, in their little warfare Begging your pardon for the length of this letter, I against opposing leaders, do sometimes assail them by remain, with great respect, your friend and obedient the trick of tearing from their contexts some particular servant, objectionable phrases, penned, perhaps, in the hurry of
EDWARD BATES composition, or spoken in the cat of oral debate, and
THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
So much has been wildly said of what is and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on termed the “Monroe Doctrine,” in regard to the great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, influence of European Powers on this continent, oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their
we could not view any interposition for the purpose of that we publish exactly what President Monroe destiny, by any European power, in any other light than said on the subject. We copy from the Seventh as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward
the United States. In the war between these new governAnnual Message of Mr. Monroe, dated Decemberments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time 2, 1823 :
of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and
shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, "It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, which in the judgment of the competent authorities of this that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal Government, shall make a corresponding change on the to improve the condition of the people of those countries, part of the United States indispensable to their security. and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary “ The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the re- is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof sult has been, so far, very different from what was then can be adduced than that the allied powers should have anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themwhich we have so much intercourse, and from which we selves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns derive our origin, we have always been anxious and in- of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carterested spectators. The citizens of the United States ried, on the same principle, is a question to which all cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty independent powers, whose governments differ from and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the theirs, are interested-even those most remote, and surely Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters none more so than the United States. Our policy in rerelating to themselves, we have never taken any part, gard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to With the movements in this hemisptere we are of neces. consider the Government, de facto, as the legitimate sity more immediately connected, and by causes which Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial obser- and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and
The political system of the allied powers is essen- manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of tially different in this respect from that of America. every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in This difference proceeds from that which exists in their regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently respective governments. And to the defense of our own, and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and allied powers should extend their political system to any treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most portion of either continent without endangering our enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that oui unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, existing between the United States and those powers to that we should behold such interposition, in any form, declare, that we should consider any attempt on their with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength part to extend their system to any portion of this hemi- and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the their distance from each other, it must be obvious that existing colonies or dependencies of any European power she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the governments who have declared their independence, I the hope that other powers will pursue the same course."
STATES AND STATESMEN ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
WISCONSIN FOR FREE SOIL.
cept as a punislıment for crime, of which the party shall
have been duly convicted according to law. THE following resolutions were adopted by Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor is herethe Wisconsin (Democratic) Legislature in 1848, by requested immediately to forward a copy of the forewith only three dissenting votes in the Senate going resolutions to each of our Senators and Represen
tatives, to be by them laid before Congress. and five in the House :
THE DEMOCRACY OF MAINE FOR THE WILMOT Whereas, Slavery is an evil of the first magnitude, morally and politically, and whatever may be the
PROVISO. consequences, it is our duty to prohibit its extension in all cases where such prohibition is allowed by the Con.
Resolutions adopted by a Convention of the stitution: Therefore,
Democratic party of Maine, in June, 1849 : Resowed, By the Senate and Assembly of the State of Resolved, That the institution of human Slavery is at Wisconsin, that the introduction of Slavery into this variance with the theory of our government, abhorrent country is to be deeply deplored; that its extension to the common sentiments of mankind, and fraught with ought to be prohibited by every constitutional barrier danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence, within the power of Congress; that in the admission of that the Federal Government possesses adequate power new territory into the Union, there ought to be an in- to inhibit its existence in the Territories of the Union; hibitory provision against its introduction, unless clearly and that we enjoin upon our Senators and Representaand unequivocally admitted by the Constitution-inas- tives in Congress to make every exertion and employ all much as in all cases of doubtful construction, the Rights their influence to procure the passage of a law forever of Man and the cause of Liberty ought to prevail.
excluding Slavery from the Territories of California and Resoloed, That our Senators in Congress be, and they New-Mexico. are hereby, instructed, and our Representatives are requested, to use their influence to insert into the organic
DELAWARE FOR FREE TERRITORY. act for the government of any new territory already The following preamble and resolution were acquired or hereafter to be acquired, that is now free, an ordinance forever prohibiting the introduction
of adopted by the Legislature of Delaware in Slavery or involuntary servitude into said territory ex. I 1847 :
Whereas, A crisis has arrived in the public affairs of MR. WEBSTER AGAINST SLAVERY EXTENSION, the Nation, which requires the free and full expression of the people, through their legal representatives; and In the United States Senate, in Aug., 1848, Whereas, the United States is at war with the Republic Mr. Webster, in speaking on the bill to organize of Mexico, occasioned by the Annexation of Texas, with a view to the addition of Slave Territory to our country, the Territory of Oregon with a clause prohibit and the extending of Slave power in our Union; and ing Slavery, said: Whereas, In the opinion of the General Assembly, such acquisitions are hostile to the spirit of our Free Insti Congress, in the exercise of a fair and just discretion, te
The question now is, whether it is not competent te tutions, and contrary to sound morality; therefore be it
Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives say that, considering that there have been five slaveof the State of Delaware in General Assembly met, That holding States (Louisiana, Florida, Arkansas, Missouri our Senators and Representatives in Congress are hereby and Texas) added to the Union out of foreign acquisirequested to vote against the annexation of any Territory tions, and as yet only one Free State, whether, under this to our Union, which shall not thereafter be forever free state of things, it is unreasonable and unjust in the from Slavery.
slightest degree to limit their farther extensi: ? That is
the question. I see no injustice in it. As to the power MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST SLAVERY.
of Congress I have nothing to add to what I said the The following resolution was passed by the other day, I have said thai I shall consent to no Es
tension of the area of Slavery on this Continent, noi Legislature of Massachusetts in 1847, in con- any increase of Slade Representation in the other nection with others on the subject of the Mexi- House of Congress can war.
MILLARD FILLMORE'S VIEWS. Resolveu, That our attention is directed anew to the wrong and “ enormity ” of Slavery, and to the tyranny
His Buffalo Letter of 1838. and usurpation of the “Slave Power," as displayed in the
BUFFALO, Oct. 17, 1838. history of our country, particularly in the annexation of Texas, and the present war with Mexico, and that we are of the committee appointed by “ The Anti-Slavery Society
Sir: Your communication of the 13th inst., as chairman impressed with the unalterable condition, that a regard of the County of Erie,” has just come to hand. You solicit for the fair fame of our country, for the principle of morals, and for that righteousness that exalteth a nation, my answer to the following
interrogatories : sanctions and require all constitutional efforts for the
1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress, on the destruction of the unjast influence of the Slave power, subject of slavery and the Slave-trade, ought to be reand for the abolition of Slavery within the limits of the ceived, read, and respectfully considered by the represenUnited States.
tatives of the people?
2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this THE WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST Union under any circumstances, so long as slaves are held
therein ? SLAVERY.
3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the The Massachusetts State Convention, held at power it possesses to abolish the Internal Slave-trade beSpringfield, in the latter part of the month of tween the States?
4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the September, 1847, and at which Daniel Webster Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia ? was nominated as a candidate for the Presi- Answer.-I am much engaged, and have no time to dency, passed the following among other re-enter into argument, or explain at length my reasons for solutions :
my opinions. I shall therefore content myself, for the
present, by answering all your interrogatories in the affirResowed, that the war with Mexico—the predicted, if mative, and leave for some future occasion a more exBot the legitimate offspring, of the annexation of Texas-tended discussion on the subject. begun in a palpable violation of the Constitution, and I would, however, take this occasion to say, that in thus the usurpation of the powers of Congress by the Presi- frankly giving my opinion, I would not desire to have it dent, ad carried on in reckless indifference and disregard understood in the nature of a pledge. At the same time of the blood and treasure of the Nation-can have no that I seek no disguise, but freely give my sentiments on object which can be effected by the acquisition of Mexi- any subject of interest to those for whose suffrages I am a can territory, under the circumstance of the country- candidate, I am opposed to giving any pledge that shall upless under adequate securities for the protection of deprive me hereafter of all discretionary power. My own human liberty-can have no other probable result than character must be the guaranty for the general correctthe ultimate advancement of the sectional supremacy of ness of my legislative deportment. On every important the Slave Power.
subject I am bound to deliberate before I act, and spe After recommending Peace with Mexico, cially as a legislator,
to possess myself of all the informa
tion, and listen to every argument that can be adduced without dismemberment,” and “No addition of by my associates, before I give a final vote. If I stand Mexican Territories to the American Union," pledged to a particular course of action, I cease to be a the Convention
responsible agent, but I become a mere machine. Should
subsequent events show, beyond all doubt, that the course Resolved, That if this course should be rejected and the I had become pledged » pursue was ruinous to my conwar shall be prosecuted to the final subjection or dismem- stituents and disgraceful to myself, I have no alternative, berment of Mexico, the Whigs of Massachusetts now de no opportunity for repentance, and there is no power to clare, and put this declaration of purpose on record, that absolve me from my obligation. Hence the impropriety, Massachusetts will never consent that Mexican Territory, not to say absurdity, in my view, of giving a pledge. however acquired, shall become a part of the American I am aware that you have not asked my pledge, and i Union, unless on the unalterable condition that there believe I know your sound judgment and good sense too shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude therein, well to think you desire any such thing. It was, however, otherwise than in the punishment of crime."
to prevent any misrepresentation on the part of others, Resolved, That in making this declaration of her pur that I have felt it my duty thus much on this subject. pose, Massachusetts announces no new principle of action I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, in regard to her sister States, and makes no new applica
MILLARD FILLMORE tion of principles already acknowledged. She merely W. Mills, Esq., chairman. states the great American principle embodied in our Declaration of Independence--the political equality of per
MR. FILLMORE'S ALBANY SPEECH OF 1856. sons in the civil state; the principles adopted in the legislation of the States under the Confederation, and some
The following is Mr. Fillmore's speech, detimes by the Constitution—in the admission of all the livered at Albany, in July, 1856 : new States formed from the only Territory belonging to Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens : This overwhelming the Union at the adoption of the Constitution—it is, in demonstration of congratulation and welcome almost de short, the imperishable principle set forth in the ever prives me of the power of speech. Here, nearly thirty memorable Ordinance of 1787, which has for more than years ago, I commenced my political career. In this half a century been the fundamental law of human building I first saw a legislative body in session; bat at Liberty in the great valley of the Lakes, the Ohio, and that time it never entered into the aspirations of my the Mississippi, with what brilliant success, and with what heart that I ever should receive such a welcome as this unparalleled results, let the great and growing States of in the capital of my native State. Ohin, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, answer You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former and declare,
services and my probable course if should again be
celled to the position of Chief Magistrate of the nation. think we would submit to it? No, not for a moment. It is not pleasant to speak of one's self, yet I trust that And do you believe that your Southern brethren are less the occasion will justify me in briefly alluding to one or sensitive on this subject than you are, or less jealous of two events connected with my administration. You all their rights ? If you do, let me tell you that you are know that when I was called to the Executive chair by a mistaken. And, therefore, you must see that if this sec bereavement which shrouded a nation in mourning, that tional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruc. the country was unfortunately agitated from one end to tion of this beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, cethe other upon the all-exciting subject of Slavery. It mented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a price was then, sir, that I felt it my duty to rise above every less inheritan e. sectional prejudice, and look to the welfare of the whole I tell you, my friends, that I feel deeply, and therenation. I was compelled to a certain extent to overcome fore I speak earnestly on this subject (cries of you're long-cherished prejudices, and sregard party claims. right !") for I feel that you are in danger. I am deterBut in doing this, sir, I did no more than was done by mined to make a clean breast of it. I will wash my many abler and better men than myself. I was by no hands of the consequences, whatever they may be; and means the sole instrument, under Providence, in har- I tell you that we are treading upon the brink of a vol. monizing these difficulties. There were at that time cano, that is liable at any moment to burst forth and noble, independent, high-souled men in both Houses of overwhelm the nation. I might, by soft words, inspire Congress, belonging to both the great political parties of delusive hopes, and thereby win votes. But I can never the country-Whigs and Democrats-who spurned the consent to be one thing to the North and another to the dictation of selfish party leaders, and rallied around my South. I should despise myself, if I could be guilty of administration in support of the great measures which such duplicity. For my conscience would exclaim, with restored peace to an agitated and distracted country. the dramatic poet: Some of these have gone to their eternal rest, with the
** Is there not some chosen curse, blessings of their country on their heads, but others yet
Some hidden thunder in the stores of heaven, survive, deserving the benediction and honors of a
Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man grateful people. By the blessings of Divine Providence,
Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin ?" our efforts were crowned with signal success, and when
In the language of the lamented, but immortal Clay I left the Presidential chair, the whole nation was prog- "I had rather be right than be President!" perous and contented, and our relations with all foreign
It seems me impossible that those engaged in this nations were of the most amicable kind. The cloud that can have contemplated the awful consequences of suc hung upon the horizon was dissipated. But where are cess. If it breaks asunder the bonds of our Union, and we now? Alas! threatened at home with civil war, and spreads anarchy and civil war through the land, what is from abroad with a rupture of our peaceful relations. I it less than moral treason? Law and common senso shall not seek to trace the causes of this change. These hold a man responsible for the natural consequence of are the facts, and it is for you to ponder upon them
of his acts, and must not those whose acts tend to the de the present Administration I have nothing to say, for I struction of the Government, be equally held responsi know and can appreciate the difficulties of administering ble ? this government, and if the present Executive and his And let me also add, that when this Union is dissolved, supporters have with good intentions and honest hearts it will not be divided into two republics, or two mon made a mistake, I hope God may forgive them as I freely archies, but be broken into fragments, and at war with do. But, if there be those who have brought these cai- each other. amities upon the country for selfish or ambitious objects, it is your duty, fellow-citizens, to hold them to a strict MR. FILLMORE'S LETTER TO A NEW-YORK UNION responsibility.
MEETING IN 1859. The agitation which disturbed the peace of the country in 1850, was unavoidable. It was brought upon us
The following is an extract from a letter of by the acquisition of new territory, for the government Mr. Fillmore, (dated Dec. 16, 1859), in reply to of which it was necessary to provide territorial organi- an invitation to attend a Union" Meeting at zation. But it is for you to say whether the present agii Cooper Institute, New-York. tation, which distracts the country and threatens us with civil war, has not been recklessly and wantonly pro- But it seems to me that if my opinions are of any im. duced, by the adoption of a measure to aid personal ad- portance to my countrymen, they now have them in a vancement rather than in any public good.
much more responsible and satisfactory form than I Sir, you have been pleased to say, that I have the could give them by participating in the proceedings of Union of these States at heart; this, sir, is most true, for any meeting. My sentiments on this unfortunate quesIf there be one object dearer to me than any other, it is tion of slavery, and the constitutional rights of the South the unity, prosperity, and glory of this great republic; in regard to it, have not changed since they were made and I confess frankly, sir, that I fear it is in danger. I manifest to the whole country by the performance of a say nothing of any particular section, much less of the painful duty in approving and enforcing the Fugitive several candidates before the people. I presume they Slave Law. What the Constitution gives I would coir are all honorable men. But, sir, what do we see? An cede at every sacrifice. I would not seek to enjoy its exasperated feeling between the North and the South, on benefits without sharing its burdens and its responsibilithe most exciting of all topics, resulting in bloodshed ties. I know of no other rule of political right or expedi. and organized military array.
ency. Those were my sentiments then-they are my But this is not all, sir, We see a political party pre sentiments now. I stand by the Constitution of my senting candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- country at every hazard, and am prepared to maintain dency, selected for the first time from the Free States it at every sacrifice. alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candi- Here I might stop; but since I have yielded to the im. dates by suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule pulse to write, I will not hesitate to express, very briefly, over the whole United States. Can it be possible that my views on one or two events which have occurred those who are engaged in such a measure can have seri- since I retired from office, and which, in all probability, ously reflected upon the consequences which must inevi- have given rise to your meeting. This I cannot do intel tably follow, in case of success ? Can they have the ligibly, without a brief reference to some events which madness or the folly to believe that our Southern breth occurred during my administration, ren would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magis- All must remember that in 1849 and 1850, the country trate? Would he be required to follow the same rule was severely agitated on this disturbing question of prescribed by those who elected him, in making his ap- Slavery. That contest grew out of the acquisition pointments? If a man living south of Mason and Dixon's of new territory from Mexico, and a contest between the line be not worthy to be President or Vice-President, North and South as to whether Slavery should be toler would it be proper to select one from the same quarter ated in any part of that Territory. Mixed up with this, as one of his cabinet council or to represent the nation was a claim on the part of the slaveholding States, that in a foreign country? Or, indeed, to collect the revenue, the provision of the Constitution for the rendition of or administer the laws of the United States? If not, fugitives from service should be made available, as the what new rule is the President to adopt in selecting men law of 1793 on that subject, which depended chiefly on for office, that the people themselves discard in selecting State officers for its execution, had become inoperative, him? These are serious, but practical questions, and in because State officers were not obliged to perform that order to appreciate them fully, it is only necessary to duty. turn the tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, After a severe struggle, which threatened the integrity having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare of the Union, Congress finally passed laws settling these that they would only have slavebolders for President questions; and the Government and the people for a and Vice-President, and should elect such by their ex time seemed to acquiesce in that compromise as a final clusive suffrages to rule over us at the North. Do you settlement of this exciting question; and it is exceedingly to be regretted that mistaken ambition or the hope of is a great curse one of the greatest evils that could have promoting a party triumph should bave tempted any | been interwoven into our system. I, Mr. Chairman, am one to raise this question again. But in an evil hour this one of those whom these poor wretches call master; I do Pandora's box of Slavery was again opened by what I not task them; I feed and clothe them well; but yet, conceive to be an unjustifiable attempt to force Slavery i alas ! sir, they are slaves, and Slavery is a curse in any Into Kansas by a repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and shape. it is, no doubt, true that there are persons in the floods of evils now swelling and threatening to over- Europe far more degraded than our slaves, worse fed, throw the Constitution, and sweep away the foundation worse clothed, etc.; but, sir, this is far from proving that of the Government itself, and deluge this land with fra- negroes ought to be slaves. ternal blood, may all be traced to this unfortunate act. John Randolph, of Virginia.-Sir, I envy neither the Whatever might have been the motive, few acts bave head nor heart of that man from the North who rises here ever been so barren of good, and so fruitful of evil. to defend Slavery upon principle. EDWARD EVERETT'S OPINIONS ON SLAVERY,
MR. CAMBRELENG'S VIEWS. Tøe following is an extract of a speech of Churchill C. Cambreleng, of N. Y., (formerly of N. C.) Mr. Everett, delivered in the House of Represen. „The gentleman from Massachusetts has gone too far. tatives, March 9, 1826. (See Benton's Abridg- out animadversion. I heard them with equal surprise and
He has expressed opinions which ought not to escape withment of Congressional Debates, vol. 8, page regret. I was astonished to hear him declare that Slavery 711.)
-domestic Slavery-say what you will, is a condition of
life, as well as any other, to be justified by morality, reliHaving touched upon this point, 1 ought, perhaps, to gion, and international law; and when at the close of his add that, if there are any members in this House of that opinion he solemnly declared that this was his confession class of politicians to whom the gentleman from North of faith, I lamented, sincerely lamented, that Carolina (Mr. Saunders) alluded, as having the disposition, though not the power, to disturb the compromise contained
“Star-eyed Science should have wandered there in the Constitution on this point, I am not of the number.
To bring us back the message of despair.” Neither am I one of those citizens of the North, to whom If, sir, among the wild visions of German philosophy I another honorable gentleman referred, in a publication to had ever reached conclusions like this; if in the Aulæ of which his name was subscribed, who would think it im- Gottingen I had ever persuaded myself to adopt a politimoral and irreligious to join in putting down a servile in-cal maxim so hostile to liberal institutions and the rights surrection at the South:
I am no soldier, sir ;, my habits of mankind, I would have locked it up forever in the darkand education are very unmilitary, but there is no cause est chambers of my mind. Or if my zeal had been too in which I would sooner buckle a knapsack to my back, ardent for my discretion, this place, at least, should never and put a musket on my shoulder, than that. I would have been the theatre of my eloquence. No, sir, if such cede the whole continent to any one who would take it had been my doctrines I would have turned my back forto England, to France, to Spain; I would see it sunk in ever on my native land. Following the course of "the the bottom of the ocean before I would see any part of dark rolling Danube," and cutting my way across the this fair America converted into a continental Hayti, by Euxine, I would have visited a well-known market of Conthat awful process of bloodshed and desolation, by which stantinople, and there preached my doctrine amidst the alone such a catastrophe could be brought on. The great rattling chains of the wretched captives. Nay, sir, I relation of servitude, in some form or other, with greater would have gone from thence, and laid my forehead upon or less departure from the theoretic equality of man, is the footstool of the Sultan, and besought him to set his inseparable from our nature. I know of no way by which foot upon my neck, as the recreant citizen of a recreant the form of this servitude shall be fixed, but political insti- Republic. tution. Domestic Slavery - though, I confess, not that form of servitude which seems to be the most beneficial to EDWARD EVERETT ON GEOGRAPHICAL PARTIES. the master-certainly not that which is most beneficial to
But, sir, I am not prepared to admit that geographical the servant–is not, in my judgment, to be set down as an parties are the greatest evil this country has to fear. Inmoral and irreligious relation. I cannot admit that re- Party of all kinds, in its excess, is certainly the bane of #gion has but one voice to the slave, and that this voice our institutions; and I will not take up the time of this is, “ Rise against your Master.". No, sir ;, the New Testa- Committee by disputing which is most deleterious, arsenic ment says, “Slaves, obey your Masters ;” and, though I or laudanum. It is enough that they are both fatal. The know full well that, in the benignant operation of Chris- evil of geographical parties is, that they tend to sever the tianity, which gathered master and slave around the same Union. The evil of domestic parties is, that they render communion-table, this unfortunate institution disappeared the Union not worth having. I remember the time, sir, in Europe, yet I cannot admit that, while it subsists, and though I was but a boy, when under the influence of dowhere it subsists, its duties are not presupposed and sanc-mestic parties, near neighbors did not speak; when old tioned by religion. I certainly am not called upon to acquaintances glared at each other as they passed in the meet the charges brought against this institution, yet truth streets; when you might wreak on a man all the bitterness obliges me to say a word more on the subject. I know of your personal and private enmity, and grind him into the condition of working classes in other countries; I am the dust, if you had the power, and say, he is a Democrat, intimately acquainted with it in some other countries, and
he I have no hesitation in saying that I believe the slaves in spirit pursued its victim from the halls of legislation,
a Federalist; he deserves it. Yes, sir, when party this country are better clothed and fed, and less hardly the forum, from the market-place, to what should be the worked, than the peasantry of some of the most prosper sanctuary of the fireside, and filled hearts that would have ous States of the continent of Europe. Consider the bled to spare each other a pang, with coldness and eschecks on population. What keeps population down? Poverty, want, starvation, disease, and all the ills of life; 1 There does not live the man, i thank God, on earth, to
trangement. Talk not to me of your geographical parties. it is these that check population all over the world. Now, ward whom I have an unkind emotion-one whose rights the slave population of the United States increases faster I would invade, whose feelings I would wound.
But if than the white, masters included. What is the inference there ever should be a man to whom I should stand in as to the physical condition of the two classes of society ? that miserable relation, I pray that mountains may rise, These are opinions I have long entertained, and long that rivers may roll between us—that he may never cross since publicly professed on this subject, and which I here repeat in answer to the intimations to which I have ale my path, nor I his, to turn the sweetness of human nature
into bitterness and gall in both our bosoms.-Speech in ready alluded. But, sir, when Slavery comes to enter the House of Representatives, 1826.—Benton's Deinto the Constitution as a political element—when it comes to affect the distribution of power amongst the States of bates, vol. 8, p. 713. the Union, that is a matter of agreement. If I make an MR. EVERETT'S VIEWS IN 1837 and 39. agreement on this subject, I will adhere to it like a man; but I will protest against any inferences being made from Oct. 14th, 1837, Hon. Wm. Jackson, of Newit like that which was made by the honorable mover of ton, Mass., wrote to Mr. Everett a long letter these resolutions. I will protest against popularity, as well as votes, being increased by the ratio of three-fifths containing the following questions: of the Slaves.
Do justice, humanity, and sound policy, alike reMR. MITCHELL'S VIEWS.
quire that the slaves of this country should be emanci
pated ? Mr. Mitchell, of Tennessee.—Sir, I do not go the length Is it the right and duty of the citizens of the nonof the gentleman from Massachusetts, and hold that the slaveholding States to require of the General Governexistence of Slavery in this country is almost a blessing. ment the abolition of Slavery in the District of CoOn the contrary, I am firmly settled in the opinion that it | lumbia ?