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Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the public by surprise, holding them up to the public as the leading doctrines because, until just before the event, it was unexpected. of the person assailed, and drawing from them their own But really it ought not to have excited any surprise, for uncharitable inferences. That line of attack betrays a such unforeseen nominations are common in our political little mind conscious of its weakness, for the falsity of its 'story. Polk and Pierce, by the Democrats, and Harri- logic is not more apparent than the injustice of its deson and Taylor, by the Whigs, were all nominated in this signs. No public man can stand that ordeal, and, howextemporaneous manner-all of them were elected. I ever willing men may be to see it applied to their adverhave known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and saries, all flinch from the torture when applied to themtherefore have a right to speak of him with some confi-selves. In fact, the man who never said a foolish thing, dence. As an individual, he has earned a high reputation will hardly be able to prove that he ever said many wise for truth, courage, candor, morals, and amiability; so that, ones. as a man, he is most trustworthy. And in this particular, I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe, national man. He he is more entitled to our esteem than some other men, his could not be sectional if he tried. His birth, education, equals, who had far better opportunities and aids in early the habits of his life, and his geographical position, comlife. His talents, and the will to use them to the best ad-pel him to be national. All his feelings and interest are vantage, are unquestionable; and the proof is found in the identified with the great valley of the Mississippi, near fact that, in every position in life, from his humble begin- whose centre he has spent his whole life. The valley is ning to his present well-earned elevation, he has more than not a section, but, conspicuously, the body of the nation, fulfilled the best hopes of his friends. And now, in the full and, large as it is, it is not capable of being divided into vigor of his manhood, and in the honest pride of having sections, for the great river cannot be divided. It is one made himself what he is, he is the peer of the first man of and indivisible, and the North and the South are alike the nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his necessary to its comfort and prosperity. Its people, too, cause, against any adversary, and in any field, where mind in all their interests and affections, are as broad and and knowledge are the weapons used. general as the regions they inhabit. They are emigrants, a mixed multitude, coming from every State in the Union, and from most countries in Europe; they are unwilling, therefore, to submit to any one petty local standard. They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its parts, for they are bound to them all, not only by a feeling of common interest and mutual dependence, but also by the recollections of childhood and youth, by blood and friendship, and by all those social and domestic charities which sweeten life, and make this world worth living in. The valley is beginning to feel its power, and will soon be strong enough to dictate the law of the land. Whenever that state of things shall come to pass, it will be most fortunate for the nation to find the powers of Government lodged in the hands of men whose habits of thought, whose position and surrounding circumstantes, constrain them to use those powers for general and not sectional ends.

In politics he has but acted out the principle of his own moral and intellectual character. He has not concealed his thoughts nor hidden his light under a bushel. With the boldness of conscious rectitude and the frankness of downright honesty, he has not failed to avow his opinions of public affairs upon all fitting occasions.

This I know may subject him to the carping censure of that class of politicians who mistake cunning for wisdom and falsehood for ingenuity; but such men as Lincoln must act in keeping with their own characters, and hope for success only by advancing the truth prudently and maintaining it bravely. All his old political antecedents are, in my judgment, exactly right, being square up to the old Whig standard. And as to his views about "the pestilent negro question," I am not aware that he has gone one step beyond the doctrines publicly and habitually avowed by the great lights of the Whig party, Clay, Webster, and their fellows, and indeed sustained and carried out by the Democrats themselves, in their wiser and better days.

The following, I suppose, are in brief his opinions upon that subject: 1. Slavery is a domestic institution within the States which choose to have it, and it exists within those States beyond the control of Congress. 2. Congress has supreme legislative power over all the Territories, and may, at its discretion, allow or forbid the existence of Slavery within them. 3. Congress, in wisdom and sound policy, ought not so to exercise its power, directly or indirectly, as to plant and establish Slavery in any Territory theretofore free. 4. And that it is unwise and impolitic in the Government of the United States, to acquire tropical regions for the mere purpose of converting them into Slave States.

These, I believe, are Mr. Lincoln's opinions upon the matter of Slavery in the Territories, and I concur in them. They are no new inventions, made to suit the exigencies of the hour, but have come down to us, as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution have, sanctioned by the venerable authority of the wise and good men who established our institutions. They are conformable to law, principle and wise policy, and their utility is proven in practice by the as yet unbroken current of our political history. They will prevail, not only because they are right in themselves, but also because a great and still growing majority of the people believe them to be right; and the sooner they are allowed to prevail in peace and harmony, the better for all concerned, as well those who are against them as those who are for them.

I am aware that smalll partisans, in their little warfare against opposing leaders, do sometimes assail them by the trick of tearing from their contexts some particular objectionable phrases, penned, perhaps, in the hurry of composition, or spoken in the cat of oral debate, and

I give my opinion freely in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and I hope that for the good of the whole country, he may be elected. But it is not my intention to take any active part in the canvass. For many years past, I have had little to do with public affairs, and have aspired to no political office; and now, in view of the mad excitement which convulses the country, and the general disruption and disorder of parties and the elements which compose them, I am more than ever assured that for me, personally, there is no political future, and I accept the condi tion with cheerful satisfaction. Still, I cannot discharge myself from the life-long duty to watch the conduct of men in power, and to resist, so far as a mere private man may, the fearful progress of official corruption, which for several years past has sadly marred and defiled the fair fabric of our Government.

If Mr. Lincoln should be elected, coming in as a new man at the head of a young party never before in power, he may render a great service to his country, which no Democrat could render. He can march straight forward in the discharge of his high duties, guided only by his own good judgment and honest purposes, without any necessity to temporize with established abuses, to wink at the delinquencies of old party friends, or to unlearn and discard the bad official habits that have grown up under the misgovernment of his Democratic predecessors. In short, he can be an honest and bold reformer on easier and cheaper terms than any Democratic President can be-for, in proceeding in the good work of cleansing and purifying the administrative departments, he will have no occasion to expose the vices, assail the interests, or thwart the ambi tion of his political friends.

Begging your pardon for the length of this letter, I remain, with great respect, your friend and obedient servant, EDWARD BATES

THE MONROE DOCTRINE.

So much has been wildly said of what is termed the "Monroe Doctrine," in regard to the influence of European Powers on this continent, that we publish exactly what President Monroe said on the subject. We copy from the Seventh Annual Message of Mr. Monroe, dated December 2, 1823:

"It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence,

and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their we could not view any interposition for the purpose of destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward ments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time the United States. In the war between these new governof their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. "The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question to which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested-even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the Government, de facto, as the legitimate Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course."

STATES AND STATESMEN ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

WISCONSIN FOR FREE SOIL.

THE following resolutions were adopted by the Wisconsin (Democratic) Legislature in 1848, with only three dissenting votes in the Senate

and five in the House:

Whereas, Slavery is an evil of the first magnitude, morally and politically, and whatever may be the consequences, it is our duty to prohibit its extension in all cases where such prohibition is allowed by the Constitution: Therefore,

Resolved, By the Senate and Assembly of the State of Wisconsin, that the introduction of Slavery into this country is to be deeply deplored; that its extension ought to be prohibited by every constitutional barrier within the power of Congress; that in the admission of new territory into the Union, there ought to be an inhibitory provision against its introduction, unless clearly and unequivocally admitted by the Constitution-inasmuch as in all cases of doubtful construction, the Rights of Man and the cause of Liberty ought to prevail.

cept as a punishment for crime, of which the party shall have been duly convicted according to law.

Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor is hereby requested immediately to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our Senators and Representatives, to be by them laid before Congress.

THE DEMOCRACY OF MAINE FOR THE WILMOT

PROVISO.

Resolutions adopted by a Convention of the Democratic party of Maine, in June, 1849:

Resolved, That the institution of human Slavery is at variance with the theory of our government, abhorrent to the common sentiments of mankind, and fraught with danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence, that the Federal Government possesses adequate power to inhibit its existence in the Territories of the Union; and that we enjoin upon our Senators and Representatives in Congress to make every exertion and employ all their influence to procure the passage of a law forever excluding Slavery from the Territories of California and New-Mexico.

DELAWARE FOR FREE TERRITORY.

Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be, and they are hereby, instructed, and our Representatives are requested, to use their influence to insert into the organic act for the government of any new territory already acquired or hereafter to be acquired, that is now free, an The following preamble and resolution were ordinance forever prohibiting the introduction of adopted by the Legislature of Delaware in Slavery or involuntary servitude into said territory ex- 1847:

Whereas, A crisis has arrived in the public affairs of the Nation, which requires the free and full expression of the people, through their legal representatives; and Whereas, The United States is at war with the Republic of Mexico, occasioned by the Annexation of Texas, with a view to the addition of Slave Territory to our country, and the extending of Slave power in our Union; and Whereas, In the opinion of the General Assembly, such

acquisitions are hostile to the spirit of our Free Insti

tutions, and contrary to sound morality; therefore be it Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Delaware in General Assembly met, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress are hereby requested to vote against the annexation of any Territory to our Union, which shall not thereafter be forever free from Slavery.

MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST SLAVERY.

The following resolution was passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts in 1847, in connection with others on the subject of the Mexi

can war.

Resolved, That our attention is directed anew to the wrong and enormity" of Slavery, and to the tyranny and usurpation of the "Slave Power," as displayed in the history of our country, particularly in the annexation of Texas, and the present war with Mexico, and that we are impressed with the unalterable condition, that a regard for the fair fame of our country, for the principle of morals, and for that righteousness that exalteth a nation, sanctions and require all constitutional efforts for the destruction of the unjust influence of the Slave power, and for the abolition of Slavery within the limits of the United States.

THE WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST

SLAVERY.

The Massachusetts State Convention, held at Springfield, in the latter part of the month of September, 1847, and at which Daniel Webster was nominated as a candidate for the Presi

dency, passed the following among other

solutions:

MR. WEBSTER AGAINST SLAVERY EXTENSION. In the United States Senate, in Aug., 1848, Mr. Webster, in speaking on the bill to organize the Territory of Oregon with a clause prohibiting Slavery, said:

Congress, in the exercise of a fair and just discretion, te The question now is, whether it is not competent te say that, considering that there have been five slaveholding States (Louisiana, Florida, Arkansas, Missouri and Texas) added to the Union out of foreign acquisitions, and as yet only one Free State, whether, under this state of things, it is unreasonable and unjust in the slightest degree to limit their farther extensi? That is the question. I see no injustice in it. As to the power of Congress I have nothing to add to what I said the other day. I have said that I shall consent to no Ex tension of the area of Slavery on this Continent, noi any increase of Slave Representation in the other House of Congress.

MILLARD

FILLMORE'S VIEWs. His Buffalo Letter of 1838.

BUFFALO, Oct. 17, 1838. of the committee appointed by "The Anti-Slavery Society SIR: Your communication of the 13th inst., as chairman of the County of Erie," has just come to hand. You solicit my answer to the following interrogatories:

1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress, on the subject of Slavery and the Slave-trade, ought to be received, read, and respectfully considered by the representatives of the people?

2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this Union under any circumstances, so long as slaves are held therein?

3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the power it possesses to abolish the Internal Slave-trade be tween the States?

4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia?

Answer.-I am much engaged, and have no time to

re-enter into argument, or explain at length my reasons for

my opinions. I shall therefore content myself, for the present, by answering all your interrogatories in the affirmative, and leave for some future occasion a more ex

Resolved, That the war with Mexico-the predicted, if not the legitimate offspring, of the annexation of Texas-tended discussion on the subject. begun in a palpable violation of the Constitution, and the usurpation of the powers of Congress by the President, ad carried on in reckless indifference and disregard of the blood and treasure of the Nation-can have no object which can be effected by the acquisition of Mexican territory, under the circumstance of the countryunless under adequate securities for the protection of human liberty-can have no other probable result than the ultimate advancement of the sectional supremacy of the Slave Power.

After recommending "Peace with Mexico, without dismemberment," and "No addition of Mexican Territories to the American Union," the Convention

Resolved, That if this course should be rejected and the war shall be prosecuted to the final subjection or dismemberment of Mexico, the Whigs of Massachusetts now declare, and put this declaration of purpose on record, that Massachusetts will never consent that Mexican Territory, however acquired, shall become a part of the American Union, unless on the unalterable condition that "there shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude therein, otherwise than in the punishment of crime."

Resolved, That in making this declaration of her purpose, Massachusetts announces no new principle of action in regard to her sister States, and makes no new application of principles already acknowledged. She merely states the great American principle embodied in our Declaration of Independence-the political equality of persons in the civil state; the principles adopted in the legislation of the States under the Confederation, and sometimes by the Constitution-in the admission of all the new States formed from the only Territory belonging to the Union at the adoption of the Constitution-it is, in short, the imperishable principle set forth in the ever memorable Ordinance of 1787, which has for more than half a century been the fundamental law of human liberty in the great valley of the Lakes, the Ohio, and the Mississippi, with what brilliant success, and with what unparalleled results, let the great and growing States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, answer and declare.

I would, however, take this occasion to say, that in thus frankly giving my opinion, I would not desire to have it understood in the nature of a pledge. At the same time that I seek no disguise, but freely give my sentiments on any subject of interest to those for whose suffrages I am a candidate, I am opposed to giving any pledge that shall deprive me hereafter of all discretionary power. My own character must be the guaranty for the general correctness of my legislative deportment. On every important subject I am bound to deliberate before I act, and espe cially as a legislator, to possess myself of all the informa tion, and listen to every argument that can be adduced by my associates, before I give a final vote. If I stand pledged to a particular course of action, I cease to be a responsible agent, but I become a mere machine. Should subsequent events show, beyond all doubt, that the course I had become pledged pursue was ruinous to my constituents and disgraceful to myself, I have no alternative, no opportunity for repentance, and there is no power to absolve me from my obligation. Hence the impropriety, not to say absurdity, in my view, of giving a pledge.

I am aware that you have not asked my pledge, and i believe I know your sound judgment and good sense too well to think you desire any such thing. It was, however, to prevent any misrepresentation on the part of others, that I have felt it my duty thus much on this subject. respectfully, your obedient servant,

I

am,

W. Mills, Esq., chairman.

MILLARD FILLMORE

MR. FILLMORE'S ALBANY SPEECH OF 1856. The following is Mr. Fillmore's speech, delivered at Albany, in July, 1856:

Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens: This overwhelming demonstration of congratulation and welcome almost de prives me of the power of speech. Here, nearly thirty years ago, I commenced my political career. In this building I first saw a legislative body in session; but at that time it never entered into the aspirations of my heart that I ever should receive such a welcome as this in the capital of my native State.

You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former services and my probable course if I should again be

called to the position of Chief Magistrate of the nation. I
It is not pleasant to speak of one's self, yet I trust that
the occasion will justify me in briefly alluding to one or
two events connected with my administration. You all
know that when I was called to the Executive chair by a
bereavement which shrouded a nation in mourning, that
the country was unfortunately agitated from one end to
the other upon the all-exciting subject of Slavery. It
was then, sir, that I felt it my duty to rise above every
sectional prejudice, and look to the welfare of the whole
nation. I was compelled to a certain extent to overcome
long-cherished prejudices, and disregard party claims.
But in doing this, sir, I did no more than was done by
many abler and better men than myself. I was by no
means the sole instrument, under Providence, in har-
monizing these difficulties. There were at that time
noble, independent, high-souled men in both Houses of
Congress, belonging to both the great political parties of
the country-Whigs and Democrats-who spurned the
dictation of selfish party leaders, and rallied around my
administration in support of the great measures which
restored peace to an agitated and distracted country.
Some of these have gone to their eternal rest, with the
blessings of their country on their heads, but others yet
survive, deserving the benediction and honors of a
grateful people. By the blessings of Divine Providence,
our efforts were crowned with signal success, and when
I left the Presidential chair, the whole nation was pros-
perous and contented, and our relations with all foreign
nations were of the most amicable kind. The cloud that
hung upon the horizon was dissipated. But where are
we now? Alas! threatened at home with civil war, and
from abroad with a rupture of our peaceful relations. I
shall not seek to trace the causes of this change. These
are the facts, and it is for you to ponder upon them. Of
the present Administration I have nothing to say, for I
know and can appreciate the difficulties of administering
this government, and if the present Executive and his
supporters have with good intentions and honest hearts
made a mistake, I hope God may forgive them as I freely
do. But, if there be those who have brought these cal-
amities upon the country for selfish or ambitious objects,
It is your duty, fellow-citizens, to hold them to a strict
responsibility.

think we would submit to it? No, not for a moment. And do you believe that your Southern brethren are less sensitive on this subject than you are, or less jealous of their rights? If you do, let me tell you that you are mistaken. And, therefore, you must see that if this sec tional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruc tion of this beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a priceless inheritance.

I tell you, my friends, that I feel deeply, and there-
fore I speak earnestly on this subject (cries of "you're
right !") for I feel that you are in danger. I am deter-
mined to make a clean breast of it. I will wash my
hands of the consequences, whatever they may be; and
I tell you that we are treading upon the brink of a vol-
cano, that is liable at any moment to burst forth and
overwhelm the nation. I might, by soft words, inspire
But I can never
delusive hopes, and thereby win votes.
consent to be one thing to the North and another to the
South. I should despise myself, if I could be guilty of
such duplicity. For my conscience would exclaim, with
the dramatic poet:
"Is there not some chosen curse,

Some hidden thunder in the stores of heaven,
Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man
Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin ?"
In the language of the lamented, but immortal Clay
"I had rather be right than be President!"

It seems to me impossible that those engaged in this can have contemplated the awful consequences of suc cess. If it breaks asunder the bonds of our Union, and spreads anarchy and civil war through the land, what is it less than moral treason? Law and common sense hold a man responsible for the natural consequence of his acts, and must not those whose acts tend to the de struction of the Government, be equally held responsi ble?

And let me also add, that when this Union is dissolved, it will not be divided into two republics, or two mon archies, but be broken into fragments, and at war with each other.

MR. FILLMORE'S LETTER TO A NEW-YORK UNION
MEETING IN 1859.

The following is an extract from a letter of
Mr. Fillmore, (dated Dec. 16, 1859), in reply to
an invitation to attend a Union Meeting at
Cooper Institute, New-York.

The agitation which disturbed the peace of the country in 1850, was unavoidable. It was brought upon us by the acquisition of new territory, for the government of which it was necessary to provide territorial organization. But it is for you to say whether the present agitation, which distracts the country and threatens us with civil war, has not been recklessly and wantonly produced, by the adoption of a measure to aid personal ad-portance to my countrymen, they now have them in a vancement rather than in any public good.

Sir, you have been pleased to say, that I have the Union of these States at heart; this, sir, is most true, for if there be one object dearer to me than any other, it is the unity, prosperity, and glory of this great republic; and I confess frankly, sir, that I fear it is in danger. I say nothing of any particular section, much less of the several candidates before the people. I presume they are all honorable men. But, sir, what do we see? An exasperated feeling between the North and the South, on the most exciting of all topics, resulting in bloodshed and organized military array.

country at every hazard, and am prepared to maintain it at every sacrifice.

Here I might stop; but since I have yielded to the im. pulse to write, I will not hesitate to express, very briefly, my views on one or two events which have occurred since I retired from office, and which, in all probability, have given rise to your meeting. This I cannot do intelligibly, without a brief reference to some events which occurred during my administration.

But it seems to me that if my opinions are of any immuch more responsible and satisfactory form than I could give them by participating in the proceedings of any meeting. My sentiments on this unfortunate question of slavery, and the constitutional rights of the South in regard to it, have not changed since they were made manifest to the whole country by the performance of a painful duty in approving and enforcing the Fugitive Slave Law. What the Constitution gives I would cor cede at every sacrifice. I would not seek to enjoy its benefits without sharing its burdens and its responsibili ties. I know of no other rule of political right or expedi ency. Those were my sentiments then-they are my But this is not all, sir. We see a political party pre-sentiments now. I stand by the Constitution of my senting candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, selected for the first time from the Free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candidates by suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule ⚫ver the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which must inevitably follow, in case of success? Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate? Would he be required to follow the same rule prescribed by those who elected him, in making his appointments? If a man living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be President or Vice-President, would it be proper to select one from the same quarter as one of his cabinet council or to represent the nation in a foreign country? Or, indeed, to collect the revenue, or administer the laws of the United States? If not, what new rule is the President to adopt in selecting men for office, that the people themselves discard in selecting him? These are serious, but practical questions, and in order to appreciate them fully, it is only necessary to turn the tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slaveholders for President and Vice-President, and should elect such by their exclusive suffrages to rule over us at the North. Do you

All must remember that in 1849 and 1850, the country was severely agitated on this disturbing question of Slavery. That contest grew out of the acquisition of new territory from Mexico, and a contest between the North and South as to whether Slavery should be toler ated in any part of that Territory. Mixed up with this, was a claim on the part of the slaveholding States, that the provision of the Constitution for the rendition of fugitives from service should be made available, as the law of 1793 on that subject, which depended chiefly on State officers for its execution, had become inoperative, because State officers were not obliged to perform that duty.

After a severe struggle, which threatened the integrity of the Union, Congress finally passed laws settling these questions; and the Government and the people for a time seemed to acquiesce in that compromise as a final settlement of this exciting question; and it is exceedingly

been interwoven into our system. I, Mr. Chairman, am one of those whom these poor wretches call master; I do not task them; I feed and clothe them well; but yet, alas! sir, they are slaves, and Slavery is a curse in any shape. It is, no doubt, true that there are persons in Europe far more degraded than our slaves, worse fed, worse clothed, etc.; but, sir, this is far from proving that negroes ought to be slaves.

to be regretted that mistaken ambition or the hope of is a great curse-one of the greatest evils that could have promoting a party triumph should have tempted any | one to raise this question again. But in an evil hour this Pandora's box of Slavery was again opened by what I conceive to be an unjustifiable attempt to force Slavery Into Kansas by a repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the floods of evils now swelling and threatening to overthrow the Constitution, and sweep away the foundation of the Government itself, and deluge this land with fraternal blood, may all be traced to this unfortunate act. Whatever might have been the motive, few acts have ever been so barren of good, and so fruitful of evil. EDWARD EVERETT'S OPINIONS ON SLAVERY. THE following is an extract of a speech of Churchill C. Cambreleng, of N. Y., (formerly of N. C.) Mr. Everett, delivered in the House of Represen--The gentleman from Massachusetts has gone too far. tatives, March 9, 1826. (See Benton's Abridg-out animadversion. I heard them with equal surprise and He has expressed opinions which ought not to escape withment of Congressional Debates, vol. 8, page regret. I was astonished to hear him declare that Slavery 711.)

John Randolph, of Virginia.-Sir, I envy neither the head nor heart of that man from the North who rises here to defend Slavery upon principle.

MR. CAMBRELENG'S VIEWS.

-domestic Slavery-say what you will, is a condition of life, as well as any other, to be justified by morality, religion, and international law; and when at the close of his opinion he solemnly declared that this was his confession of faith, I lamented, sincerely lamented, that

"Star-eyed Science should have wandered there To bring us back the message of despair." If, sir, among the wild visions of German philosophy I had ever reached conclusions like this; if in the Aulæ of Gottingen I had ever persuaded myself to adopt a political maxim so hostile to liberal institutions and the rights of mankind, I would have locked it up forever in the darkest chambers of my mind. Or if my zeal had been too ardent for my discretion, this place, at least, should never have been the theatre of my eloquence. No, sir, if such had been my doctrines I would have turned my back forever on my native land. Following the course of "the dark rolling Danube," and cutting my way across the Euxine, I would have visited a well-known market of Constantinople, and there preached my doctrine amidst the rattling chains of the wretched captives. Nay, sir, I would have gone from thence, and laid my forehead upon the footstool of the Sultan, and besought him to set his foot upon my neck, as the recreant citizen of a recreant Republic.

EDWARD EVERETT ON GEOGRAPHICAL PARTIES.

Having touched upon this point, I ought, perhaps, to add that, if there are any members in this House of that class of politicians to whom the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Saunders) alluded, as having the disposition, though not the power, to disturb the compromise contained in the Constitution on this point, I am not of the number. Neither am I one of those citizens of the North, to whom another honorable gentleman referred, in a publication to which his name was subscribed, who would think it immoral and irreligious to join in putting down a servile insurrection at the South: I am no soldier, sir; my habits and education are very unmilitary, but there is no cause in which I would sooner buckle a knapsack to my back, and put a musket on my shoulder, than that. I would cede the whole continent to any one who would take it to England, to France, to Spain; I would see it sunk in the bottom of the ocean before I would see any part of this fair America converted into a continental Hayti, by that awful process of bloodshed and desolation, by which alone such a catastrophe could be brought on. The great relation of servitude, in some form or other, with greater or less departure from the theoretic equality of man, is inseparable from our nature. I know of no way by which the form of this servitude shall be fixed, but political institution. Domestic Slavery-though, I confess, not that form of servitude which seems to be the most beneficial to the master-certainly not that which is most beneficial to But, sir, I am not prepared to admit that geographical the servant-is not, in my judgment, to be set down as an parties are the greatest evil this country has to fear. Immoral and irreligious relation. I cannot admit that re- Party of all kinds, in its excess, is certainly the bane of igion has but one voice to the slave, and that this voice our institutions; and I will not take up the time of this is, "Rise against your Master." No, sir; the New Testa- Committee by disputing which is most deleterious, arsenic ment says,Slaves, obey your Masters;" and, though I or laudanum. It is enough that they are both fatal. The know full well that, in the benignant operation of Chris- evil of geographical parties is, that they tend to sever the tianity, which gathered master and slave around the same Union. The evil of domestic parties is, that they render communion-table, this unfortunate institution disappeared the Union not worth having. I remember the time, sir, in Europe, yet I cannot admit that, while it subsists, and though I was but a boy, when under the influence of dowhere it subsists, its duties are not presupposed and sanc-mestic parties, near neighbors did not speak; when old tioned by religion. I certainly am not called upon to meet the charges brought against this institution, yet truth obliges me to say a word more on the subject. I know the condition of working classes in other countries; I am intimately acquainted with it in some other countries, and I have no hesitation in saying that I believe the slaves in this country are better clothed and fed, and less hardly worked, than the peasantry of some of the most prosperous States of the continent of Europe. Consider the checks on population. What keeps population down? Poverty, want, starvation, disease, and all the ills of life; it is these that check population all over the world. Now, the slave population of the United States increases faster than the white, masters included. What is the inference as to the physical condition of the two classes of society? These are opinions I have long entertained, and long since publicly professed on this subject, and which I here repeat in answer to the intimations to which I have already alluded. But, sir, when Slavery comes to enter into the Constitution as a political element-when it comes to affect the distribution of power amongst the States of the Union, that is a matter of agreement. If I make an agreement on this subject, I will adhere to it like a man; but I will protest against any inferences being made from it like that which was made by the honorable mover of these resolutions. I will protest against popularity, as well as votes, being increased by the ratio of three-fifths

of the Slaves.

MR. MITCHELL'S VIEWS.

Mr. Mitchell, of Tennessee.-Sir, I do not go the length of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and hold that the existence of Slavery in this country is almost a blessing. On the contrary, I am firmly settled in the opinion that it

acquaintances glared at each other as they passed in the streets; when you might wreak on a man all the bitterness of your personal and private enmity, and grind him into the dust, if you had the power, and say, he is a Democrat, he is a Federalist; he deserves it. Yes, sir, when party spirit pursued its victim from the halls of legislation, from the forum, from the market-place, to what should be the sanctuary of the fireside, and filled hearts that would have bled to spare each other a pang, with coldness and esThere does not live the man, I thank God, on earth, totrangement. Talk not to me of your geographical parties. ward whom I have an unkind emotion-one whose rights I would invade, whose feelings I would wound. But if there ever should be a man to whom I should stand in that miserable relation, I pray that mountains may rise, that rivers may roll between us-that he may never cross my path, nor I his, to turn the sweetness of human nature into bitterness and gall in both our bosoms.-Speech in the House of Representatives, 1826.-Benton's Debates, vol. 8, p. 718.

MR. EVERETT'S VIEWS IN 1837 and 39.

Oct. 14th, 1837, Hon. Wm. Jackson, of Newton, Mass., wrote to Mr. Everett a long letter containing the following questions:

Do justice, humanity, and sound policy, alike require that the slaves of this country should be emancipated?

Is it the right and duty of the citizens of the nonslaveholding States to require of the General Government the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia?

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