It is very common at this day to speak of our tions on emancipation: Maryland adopted both revolutionary struggle as commenced and hur- of these in 1783. North-Carolina, in 1786, deried forward by a union of Free and Slaveclared the introduction of slaves into that State colonies; but such is not the fact. However" of evil consequence, and highly impolitic," slender and dubious its legal basis, Slavery ex- and imposed a duty of £5 per head thereon. isted in each and all of the colonies that united New-York and New-Jersey followed the example to declare and maintain their independence. of Virginia and Maryland, including the domes Slaves were proportionately more numerous in tic in the same interdict with the foreign slavecertain portions of the South; but they were trade. Neither of these States, however, deheld with impunity throughout the North, ad-clared a general emancipation until many years vertised like dogs or horses, and sold at auction, thereafter, and Slavery did not wholly cease in or otherwise, as chattels. Vermont, then a ter- New-York until about 1830, nor in New-Jersey ritory in dispute between New-Hampshire and till a much later date. The distinction of Free New-York, and with very few civilized inhabi- and Slave States, with the kindred assumption tants, mainly on its Southern and Eastern bor- of a natural antagonism between the North and ders, is probably the only portion of the revolu- South, was utterly unknown to the men of the tionary confederation never polluted by the Revolution. tread of a slave. Before the Declaration of Independence, but The spirit of liberty, aroused or intensified during the intense ferment which preceded it, by the protracted struggle of the colonists and distracted public attention from everything against usurped and abused power in the else, Lord Mansfield had rendered his judgment mother country, soon found itself engaged in from the King's Bench, which expelled Slavery natural antagonism against the current form of from England, and ought to have destroyed it domestic despotism. "How shall we complain in the colonies as well. The plaintiff in this of arbitrary or unlimited power exerted over us, famous case was James Somerset, a native of while we exert a still more despotic and inex- Africa, carried to Virginia as a slave, taken cusable power over a dependent and benighted thence by his master to England, and there inrace?" was very fairly asked. Several suits cited to resist the claim of his master to his were brought in Massachusetts-where the fires services, and assert his right to liberty. In the of liberty burnt earliest and brightest-to test first recorded case, involving the legality of the legal right of slave-holding; and the lead- modern Slavery in England, it was held (1677) ing Whigs gave their money and their legal that negroes, "being usually bought and sold services to support these actions, which were among merchants as merchandise, and also generally, on one ground or another, success-being infidels, there might be a property in them ful. Efforts for an express law of emancipation, however, failed even in Massachusetts; the Legislature, doubtless, apprehending that such a measure, by alienating the slave-holders, would increase the number and power of the Tories; but in 1777, a privateer having brought a lot of captured slaves into Jamaica, and advertised them for sale, the General Court, as the Legislative Assembly was called, interfered and had them set at liberty. The first Continental Congress which resolved to resist the usurpations and oppressions of Great Britain by force, had already declared that our struggle would be "for the rights of human nature," which the Congress of 1776, under the lead of Thomas Jefferson, expanded into the noble affirmation of the right of "all men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," contained in the immortal preamble to the Declaration of Independence. A like averment that "all men are born free and equal," was in 1780 inserted in the Massachusetts Bill of Rights; and the Supreme Court of that State, in 1783, on an indictment of a master for assault and battery, held this declaration a bar to slave-holding henceforth in the State. sufficient to maintain trover." But this was overruled by Chief Justice Holt from the King's Bench (1697,) ruling that "so soon as a negro lands in England, he is free;" and again, (1702) that "there is no such thing as a slave by the law of England." This judgment proving exceedingly troublesome to planters and merchants from slave-holding colonies visiting the mother country with their servants, the merchants concerned in the American trade, in 1729, procured from Yorke and Talbot, the Attorney General and Solicitor General of the Crown, a written opinion that negroes, legally enslaved elsewhere, might be held as slaves in England, and that even baptism was no bar to the master's claim. This opinion was, in 1749, held to be sound law by Yorke (now Lord Hardwicke,) sitting as judge, on the ground that, if the contrary ruling of Lord Holt were upheld, it would abolish Slavery in Jamaica or Virginia as well as in England; British law being paramount in each. Thus the law stood until Lord Mansfield, in Somerset's case, reversed it with evident reluctance, and after having vainly endeavored to bring about an accommodation between the parties. When delay would serve no longer, and a judgment must be rendered, Mansfield declared it in these memorable words: "We cannot direct the law: the law must direct us. . . . . The state of Slavery is of such a nature that it is A similar clause in the second Constitution of New-Hampshire was held by the courts of that State to secure Freedom to every child, born therein after its adoption. Pennsylvania, in 1780, passed an act prohibiting the further introduction of slaves, and securing Freedom to all persons born in that State thereafter. Con necticut and Rhode-Island passed similar acts in 1784. Virginia, in 1778, on motion of Mr. Jefferson, prohibited the further importation of allowed or approved by the law of England, and the.eslaves; and in 1782, removed all legal restric-fore the black must be discharged." incapable of being introduced on any reasons, moral or political, but only by positive law, which preserves its whence it was created, is erased from the memory. It is force long after the reasons, occasion, and time itself so odious that nothing can be sufficient to support it but positive law. Whatever inconveniences, therefore, may follow from the decision, I cannot say that this case is The natural, if not necessary, effect of this The report of the committee was in the decision on Slavery in these colonies had their following words: connection with the mother country been continued, is sufficiently obvious. SLAVERY UNDER THE CONFEDERATION. THE JEFFERSONIAN ORDINANCE, 1784. Resolved, That the territory ceded, or to be ceded by individual States to the United States, whensoever the same shall have been purchased of the Indian inhabitants and offered for sale by the United States, shall be formed into additional States, bounded in the following manner, as nearly as such cessions will admit of latitude, so that each State shall comprehend from that is to say, northwardly and southwardly by parallels south to north, two degrees of latitude, beginning to count from the completion of thirty-one degrees north of but any territory northwardly of the forty-seventh degree the equator; the then southern boundary of the U. S.] shall make part of the State next below. And eastwardly and westwardly they shall be bounded, those on the Mississippi, by that river on one side, and the meridian of the lowest point of the rapids of the Ohio on the other; and those adjoining on the east, by the same meridian on their western side, and on their eastern by Great Kanawha. And the territory eastward of this last the meridian of the western cape of the mouth of the meridian, between the Ohio, Lake Erie, and Pennsyl vania, shall be one State. chased and offered for sale shall, either on their own That such temporary government shall only continue in force in any State until it shall have acquired twenty thou Congress, they shall receive from them authority, with sand free inhabitants, when, giving due proof thereof to appointments of time and place, to call a convention of representatives to establish a permanent constitution the temporary and permanent governments be estab and government for themselves: Provided, That both lished on these principles as their basis: 1. That they shall forever remain a part of the United States of America. The disposition or management of unpeopled territories, pertaining to the thirteen recent colonies now confederated as independent States, early became a subject of solicitude and of bickering among those States, and in Congress. By the terms of their charters, some of the colonies had an indefinite extension westwardly, and were only limited by the power of the grantor. Many of these charters con flicted with each other-the same territory being included within the limits of two or more totally distinct colonies. As the expenses of the Revolutionary struggle began to bear heavily on the resources of the States, it was keenly felt by some that their share in the advantages of the expected triumph would be less than that of others. Massachusetts, Con necticut, New-York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, laid claim to spacious dominious outside of their proper boundaries; while NewHampshire (save in Vermont), Rhode Island, New-Jersey, Maryland, Delaware, and South Carolina, possessed no such boasted resources to meet the war-debts constantly augmenting. They urged, therefore, with obvious justice, that these unequal advantages ought to be surrendered, and all the lands included within the territorial limits of the Union, but outside of the proper and natural boundaries of the several States, respectively, should be ceded to, and held by, Congress, in trust for the common benefit of all the States, and their proceeds em2. That in their persons, property, and territory, ployed in satisfaction of the debts and liabilities they shall be subject to the Government of the United of the Confederation. This reasonable requisi-States in Congress assembled, and to the Articles of tion was ultimately, but with some reservations, Confederation in all those cases in which the original responded to. 3. That they shall be subject to pay a part of the The IXth Continental Congress, under the Ar-Federal debts, contracted or to be contracted, to be ticles of Confederation, assembled at Philadel-apportioned on them by Congress, according to the same phia, Nov. 3, 1783, but adjourned next day to thereof shall be made on the other States. common rule and measure by which apportionments Annapolis, Md. The House was soon left without 4. That their respective governments shall be in a quorum, and so continued most of the time-republican forms, and shall admit no person to be a of course, doing no business-till the 1st of March, 1784, when the delegates from Virginia, in pursuance of instructions from the Legislature of that State, signed the conditional deed of cession to the Confederation of her claims to That whenever any of the said States shall have, of territory northwest of the Ohio River. New. free inhabitants, as many as shall then be in any one of York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts had al- the least numerous of the thirteen original States, such State shall be admitted, by its Delegates, into the Conready made similar concessions to the Confede-gress of the United States, on an equal footing with the ration of their respective claims to territory said original States; after which the assent of two-thirds westward of their present limits. Congress of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be requisite in all those cases wherein, by the Confederation, hereupon appointed Messrs. Jefferson of Vir- the assent of nine States is now required, provided the ginia, Chase of Maryland, and Howell of Rhode consent of nine States to such admission may be obIsland, a Select Committee to report a Plan of tained according to the eleventh of the Articles of Government for the Western Territory. This into Congress, any of the said States, after the establishConfederation. Until such admission by their Delegates plan, drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, provided ment of their temporary government, shall have authofor the government of all the Western terri-rity to keep a sitting member in Congress, with a right tory, including that portion which had not yet of debating, but not of voting. been, but which, it was reasonably expected, would be, surrendered to the Confederation by the States of North Carolina and Georgia (and which now forms the States of Tennessee, Alabama and Mississippi), as well as that which had already been conceded by the more northern States States shall be so subject. citizen who holds a hereditary title. 5. That after the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servi tude in any of the said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally guilty. That the territory northward of the forty-fifth degree, that is to say, of the completion of forty-five degrees from the equator, and extending to the Lake of the Woods, shall be called Sylvania; that of the territory under the forty-fifth and forty-fourth degress, that which lies westward of Lake Michigan, shall be called Michigania; and that which is eastward thereof, within the Huron, St. Clair, and E ie, shall be called Chersonesus, peninsula formed by the lakes and waters of Michigan, and shall include any part of the peninsula which may extend above the forty-fifth degree. Of the territory | taining his views of "non-intervention by under the forty-third and forty-second degrees, that to the westward, through which the Assenisipi or Rock River Congress." runs, shall be called Asenisipia; and that to the April 19, this reported plan came up for consideration in Congress. Mr. Spaight of N. C. moved that the 5th proposition (prohibiting Slavery after the year 1800) be stricken out of the plan of ordinance, and Mr. Read of S. C. seconded the motion. The question was put in this forin: "Shall the words moved to be stricken out stand?" and on this question the Ayes and Noes were taken, and resulted as follows: N. HAMPSHIRE..... Mr. Foster, MASSACHUSETTS.... Mr. Gerry, ay .ay Ay. .ay Ay. Ay. Mr. Partridge, ......ay RHODE ISLAND..... Mr Ellery,.. Mr. Howell,. ..ay CONNECTICUT..... Mr. Sherman,. ..ay Mr. Wadsworth,. Ay. ay NEW-YORK... Mr. De Witt,.. .ay Mr. Paine,. Ay. .ay ay ay Here we find the votes sixteen in favor of Mr. Jefferson's restriction to barely seven against it, and the States divided six in favor to three against it. But the Articles of Confederation (Art. IX.) required an affirmative vote of a majority of all the States-that is, a vote of seven States-to carry a proposition; so this clause was defeated through the absence of one delegate from New-Jersey in spite of a vote of more than two to one in its favor. Had the New-Jersey delegation been full, it must, to a moral certainty, have prevailed; had Delaware then been represented, it would probably have been carried, even without Newder, at Mr it is this vote, so given and recorded, that Douglas in his " Harper" essay claims as sus *No quorum. The Ordinance, thus depleted, after undergoing some further amendments, was finally approved April 23d-all the delegates, but those from South Carolina, voting in the affirmative. In 1787, the last Continental Congress, sitting in New-York simultaneously with the Convention at Philadelphia which framed our Federal Constitution, took up the subject of the government of the Western Territory, raising a Committee thereon, of which Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, was Chairman. That Committee reported (July 11th), "An Ordinance for the government of the Territories of the United States, Northwest of the Ohio"-the larger area contemplated by Mr. Jefferson's bill not having been ceded by the Southern States claiming dominion over it. This bill embodied many of the provisions originally drafted and reported by Mr. Jefferson, but with some modifications, and concludes with six unalterable articles of perpetual compact, the last of them as follows: servitude, in the said Territory, otherwise than in "There shall be neither Slavery nor involuntary punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall be duly convicted." To this was added, prior to its passage, the stipulation for the delivery of fugitives from labor or service, soon after embodied in the Federal Constitution; and in this shape, the entire ordinance was adopted (July 13th) by a unanimous vote, Georgia and the Carolinas concurring. UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. The old Articles of Confederation having proved inadequate to the creation and maintenance of a capable and efficient national or central authority, a Convention of Delegates from the several States, was legally assembled in Philadelphia, in 1787-George Washington, President; and the result of its labors was our present Federal Constitution, though some amendments mainly of the nature of restrictions on Federal power, were proposed by the several State Conventions assembled to pass upon that Constitution, and adopted. The following are all the provisions of that instrument, which are presumed to bear upon the subject of Slavery: (Preamble): We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. Art. I. § 1. All legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. apportioned among the several States which may be §2.. Representatives and direct taxes shall be included within this Un on, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to servitude for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. 9. The mig ation or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibi ed by the Congress prior to the year 1808; but a tax or duty may be imposed, not exceeding ten dollars on each person. or labor may be due. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States: and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. § 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive when the legislature cannot be convened, against domestic violence. Art. VI. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all the treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. The above are all-and perhaps more than all-the clauses of the Constitution, that have been quoted on one side or the other as bearing upon the subject of Slavery. CESSIONS OF SOUTHERN TERRITORY. The State of Kentucky was set off from the State of Virginia in 1790, by mutual agree ment, and admitted into the Union by act of Congress, passed February 4th, 1791; to take effect June 1st, 1792. It was never a territory of the United States, nor under Federal jurisdiction, except as a State, and inherited Slavery from the "Old Dominion." The State of North Carolina, like several others, claimed, during and after the Revolution, that her territory extended westward to the Mississippi. On the 22d of December, 1799-one month after the ratification of the Federal Constitution North Carolina passed an act, ceding, on certain conditions, all her territory west of her present limits to the United States. Among the conditions exacted by her, and agreed to by Congress (Act approved April 2nd, 1790) is the following: Provided always, that no regulations made, or to be made, by Congress shall tend to emancipate slaves. Were it not then conceded that Congress had the power to make regulations for the territories which would "tend to emancipate slaves," this proviso would be utterly meaningless. It will be noted that the word "slave " or "slavery" does not appear therein. Mr. Madison, who was a leading and observant member of the Convention, and who took notes of its daily proceedings, affirms that this silence was designed-the Convention being unwilling that the Constitution of the United States should recognize property in human beings. In passages where slaves are presumed to be contem-a plated, they are uniformly designated as "persons," never as property. Contemporary history proves that it was the belief of at least a large portion of the delegates that Slavery could not long survive the final stoppage of the slave-trade, which was expected to (and did) occur in 1808. And, were Slavery this day banished forever from the country, there might, indeed, be some superfluous stipulations in the Federal compact or charter; but there are none which need be repealed, or essentially modi fied. A direct provision for the restoration of fugitive slaves to their masters was, at least once, voted down by the Convention. Finally, the clause respecting persons "held to service or labor," was proposed by Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, and adopted with little or no opposi ⚫tion. The following, among the amendments to the Constitution, proposed by the ratifying conventions of one or more States, and adopted, are supposed by some to bear on the questions now agitated relative to Slavery: Art. I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the Press, or of the rights of the people peacefully to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. Art. II. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. Art. V. No persons shall be . . . . .. deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. Georgia, in like manner, ceded (April 2nd, 1802) the territories lying west of her present limits, now forming the States of Alabama and Mississippi. Among the conditions exacted by her, and accepted by the United States, is the following: Fifthly. That the territory thus ceded shall become State, and be admitted into the Union as soon as it earlier period, if Congress shall think it expedient, on shall contain sixty thousand free inhabitants, or, at an the same conditions and restrictions, with the same privileges, and in the same manner, as is provided in the ordinance of Congress of the 18th day of July, 1787, for States; which ordinance shall, in all its parts, extend to the government of the Western territory of the United the territory contained in the present act of cession, the article only excepted which forbids slavery. EARLY ATTEMPTS TO OVERRIDE THE ORDINANCE. residue of the vast regions originally conveyed When Ohio (1802-3) was made a State, the by the ordinance of '87 was continued under Federal pupilage, by the name of "Indiana Territory,' "whereof Wm. Henry Harrison (since President) was appointed Governor. It was quite commonly argued that, though Slavery was injurious in the long run, yet, as an expedient while clearing away the heavy forests, opening settlements in the wilderness, and surmounting the inevitable hardships and privations of border life, it might be tolerated, and even regarded with favor. Accordingly, the new Territory of Indiana made repeated efforts to procure a relaxation in her favor of the restrictive clause of the Ordinance of '87, one of them through the instrumentality of a Convention assembled in 1802-3, and presided over by the Territorial Governor; so he, with the great body of his fellow-delegates, memorialized Congress, among other things, to suspend temporarily the operation of the sixth article of the Ordinance aforesaid. This memorial was referred in the House to a select committee of three, two of them from Slave States, with the since celebrated John Randolph as chairman. On the 2nd of March, 1803, Mr. Randolph made | tion of slaves, born within the United States, from any of what appears to have been a unanimous report from this Committee, of which we give so much as relates to Slavery-as follows: the individual States. This report and resolve were committed and made a special order on the Monday following, but were never taken into consideration. The rapid population of the State of Ohio sufficiently evinces, in the opinion of your Committee, that the labor At the next session, a fresh letter from Gov. of slaves is not necessary to promote the growth and William Henry Harrison, inclosing resolves of settlement of colonies in that region; that this labor the Legislative Council and House of Represen demonstrably the dearest of any-can only be employed in the cultivation of products more valuable than any tatives in favor of suspending, for a limited peknown to that quarter of the United States; that the riod, the sixth article of compact aforesaid, was Committee deem it highly dangerous and inexpedient to received (Jan. 21st, 1807) and referred to a SeImpair a provision wisely calculated to promote the hap: lect Committee, whereof Mr. B. Parke, delegate piness and prosperit of the northwestern country, and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier. from said Territory, was made Chairman. The In the salutary operation of this sagacious and benevo- entire Committee (Mr. Nathaniel Macon, of N. lent restraint, it is believed that the inhabitants of Indi-C., being now Speaker,) consisted of ana will, at no very distant day, find ample remuneration for a temporary privation of labor, and of emigra tion. The Committee proceed to discuss other subjects set forth in the prayer of the memorial, and conclude with eight resolves, whereof the only one relating to Slavery is as follows: Resolved, That it is inexpedient to suspend, for a Himited time, the operation of the sixth article of the compact between the original States and the people and States west of the river Ohio. This Report having been made at the close of the Session, was referred at the next to a new Committee, whereof Cæsar Rodney, a new Representative from Delaware, was Chairman. Mr. Rodney, from this Committee, reported (February 17th, 1804), That, taking into their consideration the facts stated in the said memorial and petition, they are induced to believe that a qualified suspension, for a limited time, of the sixth article of compact between the original' States and the people and States west of the river Ohio, might be productive of benefit and advan tage to said Territory. MESSRS, ALSTON, of N. C. PARKE, of Ind. RHEA, of Tenn. Mr. Parke, from this Committee, made (Feb. 12th,) a third Report to the House in favor of granting the prayer of the memorialists. This report, with its predecessors, was committed, and made a special order, but never taken into consideration. of the Indiana Legislature, were submitted to The same letter of Gen. Harrison, and resolves the Senate, Jan. 21st, 1807. They were laid on the table "for consideration," and do not appear to have even been referred at that session; but at the next, or first session of the fourth Congress, which convened Oct. 26th, 1807, the President (Nov. 7th) submitted a letter from Gen. Harrison and his Legislature-whether a new or old one does not appear-and it was now referred to a Select Committee, consisting of Messrs. J. Franklin, of N. C., Kitchel, of N. J., and Tiffin, of Ohio. Nov. 13th, Mr. Franklin, from said committee, reported as follows: The Report goes on to discuss the other topics embraced in the Indiana memorial, and concludes with eight resolves, of which the first (and only one relative to Slavery) is as follows: The Legislative Council and House of Representatives, in their resolutions, express their sense of the proResolved, That the sixth article of the Ordinance of priety of introducing Slavery into their Territory, and 1787, which prohibited Slavery within the said Territory, solicit the Congress of the United States to suspend, for be suspended in a qualified manner, for ten years, so as a given number of years, the sixth article of compact, to permit the introduction of slaves, born within the in the ordinance for the government of the Territory United States, from any of the individual States; pro- northwest of the Ohio, passed on the 13th day of July, vided, that such individual State does not permit the 1787. That article declares: "There shall be neither importation of slaves from foreign countries: and pro-Slavery nor involuntary servitude within the said Tervided, further, that the descendants of all such slaves ritory." shall, if males, be free at the age of twenty-five years, and, if females, at the age of twenty-one years. The House took no action on this Report. The original memorial from Indiana, with several additional memorials of like purport, was again, in 1805-6, referred by the House to a select committee, whereof Mr. Garnett of Virginia was chairman, who, on the 14th of February, 1806, made a report in favor of the prayer of the petitioners-as follows: That, having attentively considered the facts stated in the said petitions and memorials, they are of opinion that a qualified suspension, for a limited time, of the sixth article of the compact between the original States, and the people and States west of the river Ohio, would be beneficial to the people of the Indiana Territory. The suspension of this article is an object almost univer sally desired in that Territory. After discussing other subjects embodied in the Indiana memorial, the Committee close with a series of Resolves, which they commend to the adoption of the House. The first and only one germane to our subject is as follows: The citizens of Clark County, in their remonstrance, express their sense of the impropriety of the measure, and solicit the Congress of the United States not to act on the subject, so as to permit the introduction of slaves into the Territory; at least, until their population shall entitle them to form a Constitution and State Govern ment. And here ended, so far as we have been able to discover, the effort, so long and earnestly persisted in, to procure a suspension of the restriction in the Ordinance of 1787, so as to admit Slavery, for a limited term, into the Territory lying between the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, now forming the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. THE FIRST MISSOURI STRUGGLE. The vast and indefinite Territory known as Louisiana, was ceded by France to the United Resolved, That the sixth article of the Ordinance of States in the year 1803, for the sum of $15,000,1787,which prohibits Slavery within the Indiana Territory, be suspended for ten years, so as to permit the introduc-000, of which $3,750,000 was devoted to the |