There is that, with nations whose fortune it is to have thrived and prospered under the assumption and exercise of rights which were not theirs, that they grow infatuated with their too easily-earned successes, and become rash, and daring, and reckless, ever ready to jump over abysses of difficulty in pursuit of a cherished object, and in the extravagant conceit that whatever they wish to attain, it is in their power to grasp, and whatever they grasp is legitimately theirs. Such is England. She knows where lies the secret and the great fountain of your power. She loathes to see those naval nurseries of yours almost stuck to her shore, those hives of whizzing seamen pitched upon the waters of what she would have you call her seas, and her gulfs, and her bays, as so many advanced posts watching over the deep, that none may dare to claim its mastery and hold it in thraldom. She cannot but look with extreme jealousy and concern on the growing prosperity of this country. She may think that it were well for her if she could bar its progress while it has not yet reached its acme. Who can say, that in some of those wild dreams that come, at times, over the mind and darken the intellect of nations, she has not conceived that by timely interposition she might, perchance, slacken our march, arrest the tide of our fortune, and assign

limits to our greatness? I will not say that she has. Still, 179 how are we to conciliate her well-known sagacity with the intention attributed to her of coercing us into a Treaty by so insulting a premonition of her purposes and designs? Depend upon it, Mr. President, she has been emboldened by her late triumphs in the Nicaragua and Mexican questions; and she may expect to deter us from holding on to our rights in the fisheries, as we were deterred, it is said, by omenous warnings, from entertaining the proffer lately made to persons in high places, of isles impatient to throw themselves in our lap.

Sir, what does England mean? What is she after? But, hush! She is negotiating. So says her Admiral; so says Sir John Pakington. She is negotiating? No! she has negotiated, if we are to believe the semi-official announcement made in a Whig paper of this city, under the caption of ADJUSTMENT OF THE FISHERIES DIFFICULTIES. Here it is:

We are enabled to announce upon what we regard as entirely satisfactory authority, that the subject of the recent excitement in regard to the New Eng land fisheries, has been arranged between Mr. Webster and Mr. Crampton in a manner that will prove wholly satisfactory to the American people.

Mr. SEWARD. Will the honourable Senator allow me to ask him. from what paper he reads?

Mr. SOULÉ. The Daily Telegraph. The honourable Senator understands, I imagine, that, when speaking of a semi-official announcement, I meant not to impart a character to the paper, but to the announcement alone. The peculiar language in which the intelligence which it imparts is couched, fully justifies the denomination under which I have presented it to the Senate. The honourable Senator, besides, is presumed not to be unfrieudly to the paper; and, in all probability, knows more of its whereabouts than I do.

I was going to remark, when I was interrupted, that the announcement which I have just now read had scarcely gone out from the press, than the magnetic wires were transmitting to us another an

nouncement, which I have also here. I read from the Union of the 7th instant:

THE FISHERIES DIFFICULTY.-BOSTON, August 6.-Information has been received in this city that a remonstrance to the British Government against the Americans fishing within three miles of the coast, even if reciprocity be granted, is circulating in Halifax, and has received a great number of prominent signatures. The Halifax Acadian and Recorder considers the question fraught with much danger, and that war between the two nations is not improbable.

And thus, Sir, we may, for aught we know, have negotiated away by Treaty a branch of our revenue, with the hope that we would silence the roaring lion; but the lion still roars, it seems, and will roar until he frightens us out of those haunts the participation in which we acquired by original occupation, if not otherwise; which we retained as a constitutive element of our separate existence as a nation; which war itself could not wrest from us; which we hold under no grace or favour of any one but under the sufferance of God alone, and under the highest sanctions of the Laws of Nations; for, in the language of the now redeemed negotiators who signed the Convention of 1818, ours is a right, which cannot exclusively belong to, or be granted by any nation. Sir, I ask it of you, would that be an attitude becoming this great country? But I believe not in these rumours; it cannot have escaped that wise and clear-sighted person, who now holds the seals of the State, and whose great mind and exalted patriotism are equal to any emergencies, that to negotiate under such circumstances, and sign a treaty, whatever its merits in other respects be, were to sink in the dust what of pride, what of dignity, what of honour, we have grown to in the rapid race which we had been running since we became a nation.

But, it may be asked, what would you have this Government to do? Sir, as I cannot suppose that this debate is an idle and unmeaning ceremony; as I know too much of the distinguished Senator who so creditably occupies the chair in the Committee on Foreign Relations to indulge the least thought that he could have moved in so grave a matter with no view to some practical end, to the attainment of some object of public interest, I will take it for granted that his aim was to provoke an expression through which the sense of this Senate, and, as far as this Senate may be a proper organ of the nation, the sense of our people might become manifest, and be atended to where otherwise it might have been overlooked and unheeded.

Mr. SEWARD. Will the honourable Senator allow me to ask him whether we are to understand him as supposing that it was the intention of the honourable Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations that the sense of the Senate should be taken before any negotiations were entered into, or before any treaty was made?

Mr. SOULE. There are two attributes of this body under which we act in two different capacities. The one connects us with the Executive, and creates duties which we perform in executive session. The other constitutes us a component part of the Legislative power of the country, and enables us to address ourselves without any reserve but that which a proper regard for the interests of the nation may impose, to all questions of public policy, whether internal or external, and to which it may be our wish to call the attention of the country.

Under such promptings, I cannot hesitate to give my humble judgment, which is, that our Cabinet should follow to the letter the course which the great Chatham, on a memorable occasion, recommended to Ministers ready to surrender, in a disgraceful negotiation, what he considered to be the honour of the British Crown.

It was on the occasion of the forcible taking by Spain of the Falkland Islands from the possession of a British garrison. He pointed solemnly to the conduct of Lord Grenville in a like emergency:

"The French," said he, "had taken a little island from us called Turk's Island. The Minister then at the head of the Treasury took the business upon himself; but he did not negotiate. He sent for the French Embassador, and made a peremptory demand. A courier was dispatched to Paris, and returned in a few days with orders for instant restitution, not only of the island, but of everything that the English subjects had lost."

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Such is the spirited conduct he advised the Ministers to pursue, deeply impressed with the conviction, that while a prompt and warm resentment would infallibly secure peace, tameness and silence would as inevitably lead to a rupture.

Sir, there is a world of storms in the questions which the present difficulty must soon bring to a definite issue. I am fully aware of the great stake which not only this country but the whole world has in their speedy and amicable adjustment. Yet we should insist upon having the last word of them. This is no time for a patched-up accommodation. We owe to ourselves-we owe to all mankind—not to leave undispelled the cloud hanging over our security and peace. We would seek in vain to avoid the contest. If it has to be met at all, let it be met now, and be met fairly, in all its bearings and intricacies. England has forced it upon us; she must expect that we will face its dangers like men.

Sir, these neighbours of ours constitute no longer a mere colonial dependency. They have grown to be a nation-a nation of hardy, industrious, aspiring men, who will have their place, and claim rank, before long, among the independent States of this continent. Whatever be their present views of the relation which it may suit them to form with us hereafter, their interest is too closely linked with ours to be dealt with slightingly. While I would wish to see our rights in the fisheries established on a firm and permanent basis, giving security and quiet to our fishermen, I am also for indulging the Colonists in what reasonable concessions they may expect at our hands. I desire to see them contented, and would heartily aid in hastening the conclusion of any arrangement that might be satisfactory to them. But until England has withdrawn her squadron, and given satisfaction for what wrongs she may have perpetrated on us, let no negotiation be entertained; and if, contrary to my expectation, any was being entertained, let it be dropped at once and abandoned. I shall vote for the reference of the papers on the table, in the hope that they will be returned to us with a resolution expressive of such sentiments as behooves this Senate and this great country to speak forth in such an emergency.

No. 104.-1852, August 13: Letter from Mr. Lawrence (United States Minister at London) to Mr. Webster (United States Secretary of State).

[No. 200.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
London, August 13, 1852.

SIR: On the 11th instant I again had an interview with Lord Malmesbury, at his request, at the Foreign Office, at which Sir John Packington was present. The conversation was substantially a repetition of what had taken place previously between Lord Malmesbury and myself. Nothing new was said to alter the views I have already expressed to you.

Mr. Crampton will receive by this mail instructions, which he will doubtless read to you. They will contain, I think, the same sentiments expressed to me by Lord Malmesbury. Copies also, of the instructions sent to the colonial governors and to Admiral Seymour will probably accompany the instructions.

Lord Malmesbury will probably propose to leave that part of the treaty about which we disagree, for the present, just where it has been, and will direct the British authorities to confine their exertions to within three marine miles of the shore, to exercise their power with great leniency, and not to make captures except under flagrant circumstances. He wishes to place the question in position to be adjusted, if possible, when the present excitement has passed away. Whatever may be the views of the colonists, the governinent here has every desire to settle the whole matter. They have committed an error which I think they wish to repair as soon as possible.

The fishing cannot be abandoned at this time of the year without great loss and suffering. It has occurred to me that if, on investigation, it turns out that our fishermen have been in the habit of "finishing their fares" in waters clearly within three miles of the shores, perhaps Mr. Crampton would consent, if his instructions permit him, to advise the authorities not to make captures this year. I still think this question can be now finally and satisfactorily settled. I have the honor to be, sir, very respecfully, [respectfully] Your obedient servant,

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ABBOTT LAWRENCE.

No. 105.-1852, August 14: Debate in United States Senate on North American Fisheries. Speech of Mr. Seward, of New York.

The Message of the President of the United States transmitting information in regard to the fisheries on the coasts of the British possessions in North America being under consideration.

Mr. SEWARD said:

Mr. President: when this debate was suspended on Thursday last, a question had just arisen whether the Executive Administration had been censured here for its conduct in regard to the subject.

The honourable Senator from Virginia, [Mr. MASON], Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, when addressing the Senate. remarked that if the President had done his duty, the whole naval 92909°--S. Doc. 870, 61–3, vol 4-- -30

force of the country had been already sent into the northeastern seas to protect the rights of American fishermen against British cannon. The honourable Senator from Maine, [Mr. HAMLIN], the honourable and distinguished Senator from Michigan, [Mr. CASS], and the honourable Senator from Arkansas, [Mr. BORLAND], declared that they fully concurred in all that had been said by the honourable Senator from Virginia.

Now, it is quite certain that the whole naval force of the country has not even yet been sent into those seas, and I suppose it equally certain that at that time none had been sent there.

The honourable Senator from Arkansas [Mr. BORLAND] expressed astonishment and regret that the President had not, without a call, sent here all the information which he possessed. He complained that the Secretary of State had "treated the subject wrongly in what has been called his 'proclamation;"" that it "cast doubts on the right of the fishermen." Alluding to rumoured negotiation at Mr. Webster's country residence, he declared his opinion that the place was illchosen, and indeed that negotiation there, or even here, under the circumstances, ought to be reprobated altogether. The honourable Senator from Connecticut [Mr. TOUCEY] asked what was the meaning of the notice published by the Secretary of State-was it designed to induce our fishermen to retire from their pursuits; to invite us to surrender the rights secured to us by the Convention of 1818? The honourable Senator was pleased to express his sorrow that he could not have confidence in the Administration, and also an opinion that it needed to be prompted. The honourable and esteemed Senator from Louisiana [Mr. SOULE] was more cautious, but even he complained that some of our rights in the fisheries had "brutally been torn away" "in the midst of the most profound peace," and "when England was incessantly receiving most profuse tokens and manifestations of condescension, and was allowed to turn to her own advantage and profit the good will indulged towards us by Nicaragua, and had been allowed to introduce her bankers into our Treasury as agents in the payment of our debt to Mexico. These," said the Senator, "I repeat it again, are strange times indeed." Again, that Senator argued, that Mr. Webster had erred when he said in the notice published by him-that it was "an oversight in the American Government to have made so large a concession to Great Britain in the Convention of 1818." Further, the honourable Senator said:

We may, for aught we know, have negotiated away by Treaty a branch of our revenue, with the hope that we would silence the roaring lion; but the lion still roars, it seems, and will roar until he frightens us out of those bounds the participation in which we acquired by original occupation, if not otherwise; which we retained as a constitutive element of our separate existence as a nation; which war itself could not wrest from us; which we hold under no grace or favour from any one, but under the sufferance of God alone, and under the highest sanctions of the Laws of Nations; for, in the language of the now redeemed negotiators, who signed the Convention of 1818, ours is a right which cannot exclusively belong to or be granted by any nation. Sir, I ask it of you, would that be an attitude becoming this great country? But I believe not in these rumours; it cannot have escaped that wise and clear-sighted person who now holds the seals of the State, and whose great mind and exalted patriotism are equal to any emergencies, that to negotiate under such circumstances, and sign a Treaty, whatever its merits in other respects be, were to sink in the dust what of pride, what of dignity, what of honour, we have grown to in the rapid race which we had been running since we became a nation.